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This paper presents and discusses the behavior of simple nouns denoting events (SNDEs) with no verbal counterpart, such as tempestade ('storm') and show ('concert'). These nominals give raise to interesting questions for both Event Semantics and morphological theories and their interfaces with Syntax and Semantics, since event denotation is traditionally associated to verbal structures. Thus, relying on Distributed Morphology (DM) (Halle & Marantz, 1993, 1994) framework, we approach the main properties of SNDEs' syntax and semantics and show what DM device can be used to handle such cases. Later, we discuss some instances of event participant nominals; particularly those indicating grammatical aspect, such as vestibulando (") and cliente ('customer'). Finally, we present a preliminary analysis of simple nouns denoting states and show to the extent they differ from and are similar to SNDEs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper looks into the derivation of nominals in Biate at the word and sentence levels. This derivational process is productive compared to the nominalized clauses in the language. Nominalization is a key phenomenon in Kuki-Chin syntax. Languages like Hrangkhol, Khelma, Hmar and others mainly has open syllabic structure like -pa, -na, -tu etc as a nominalizer to derive nominals both at the word and clausal level. Biate has three morphological nominalizers: -tu, -na, -a and a zero morpheme which derives nominals at the word level. At the clausal level, the nominalizer -a and the zero morphemes are used. Unlike Kuki-Chin languages, the use of gender marker is not seen in case of Biate. Biate also lacks distal and proximal demonstratives common in Kuki-Chin languages. The relative clause markers in the Tibeto Burman languages behave as the nominalizer, Biate has a null relativizer. Nominalization process in Biate differ from Khelma, Hrangkhol, Hmar and others. This paper will provide a detailed account of the nominalization process in Biate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Faits de Langues is the property of Brill Academic Publishers and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The cartographic program has investigated interesting crosslinguistic linear orderings among various sentence constituents. Its signature technical move is to postulate hierarchies of functional projections related by functional selection. I note three problems that functional hierarchies encounter in capturing linear order: 'explanation', 'plenitude', and 'rigidity'. I compare linearity in cartography with linearity in the integers, which involves a single relation (<) ordering the domain. I consider work by Scontras et al. (2017) arguing for a single 'inequality relation' underlying the ordering of attributive adjectives in nominals and show how this result can be incorporated into a feature-driven theory of syntactic projection. This captures crosslinguistic linear orderings without appeal to functional selection or functional hierarchies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Highlights • Persian has both suffixal and prefixal deverbal nouns. • Persian deverbal nouns are divided into argument structure-nominals and result-nominals. • Persian suffixal deverbal nouns structures coincide with Borer's (2013) framework. • The categorial prefix is the head of the derived word in Persian derivational affixes. • Some of suffixes and all of prefixes can be polysemous in structure, as well. Abstract Nominalized words are complex nominals, which have their own particular derivational structure. These nominals can be derived from different parts of speech. Correspondingly, a deverbal nominal is a nominal that is derived from a verb; although, this is a critical issue in syntactic analysis, few researchers have addressed Persian deverbal nominals with no attention paid to their underlying syntactic structures. Therefore, the present study is an attempt to provide a descriptive syntactic analysis of Persian deverbal nominals based on the Exo-skeletal framework as developed in Borer (2013). Regarding nominalization process, Borer argues that derivational suffixes merge with their roots in the syntax rather than morphology, that is to say, there is a particular syntactic mechanism that underlies the formation of nominals. Also, she divides deverbal nominals into two groups: complex event nominals and result nominals. The results of the present study show that although Persian has suffixal deverbal nominals the syntactic structures of which correspond to Borer's Exo-skeletal framework, this language has prefixal deverbal nominals, too. Moreover, while Borer (2013) proposes that prefixes do not change the lexical category of words they attach to, in the present research a new syntactic structure is provided for the prefixal deverbal nominals in which the categorial prefix is regarded as the head of the derived word. In addition, based on Persian data, there are some nominals which consist of both a categorial prefix and a categorial suffix. Hence the research analysis reveals that the multiple affixation process does not occur simultaneously; instead, it happens sequentially. Finally, the research results indicate that Persian derivational affixes (some of suffixes and all of prefixes) can be polyfunctional in structure, as well. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In progressive Case attraction, the Case of a head nominal overwrites the Case of a following coindexed relative pronoun. The reverse process is called ‘inverse’ Case attraction. There, the morphologically overt Case of a relative pronoun overwrites the Case of a preceding head nominal. Inverse Case attraction has been attested in languages like Ancient Greek, Latin, and in the history of different Germanic languages. For modern standard German, its existence has in general been denied. We first discuss current analyses which have nevertheless identified inverse Case attraction in modern German on the basis of historical data and experimental judgement studies. We then present four behavioral experiments on the processing of German sentences. Effects of inverse Case attraction in the comprehension of German are revealed in self-paced reading times. They are fundamentally different in structures allowing attraction of dative Case than in structures allowing attraction of accusative Case, with much stronger effects for dative than for accusative Case. The results are interpreted in a theory of Case that draws a syntactic difference between structural and inherent (‘lexical’) Case rather than along the lines of the familiar Case hierarchy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article talks about the syntax of the structure of the noun phrase in the Komnzo language. Topics discussed include the definition of a noun phrase being a group of nominals that jointly fulfil a functional role in a clause, case enclitics and the emphatic particle being used to identify the right edge of a noun phrase, and inflected verbs standing alone as a clause.

Case assignment and argument licensing in process nominals, that is, nouns such as destruction that are morphologically related to verbs are assumed to operate in a verblike manner both within government-and-binding theory and, more recently, within the distributed morphology framework. The data from Russian challenge this approach and reveal that there is an important difference between the verbal and the nominal domains: case assignment in verbs is sensitive to the underlying argument structure, but in nominals to surface structure, that is, the collection of overt arguments. We propose a hierarchy of case-assignment rules that applies in the nominal domain. Moreover, within the nominal domain, case assignment is uniform: the same rules apply to different types of nominals, including prototypical process nominals and relational nouns. The main theoretical advantage of our lexicalist, constraint-based approach is that it can capture similarities between the verbal and the nominal domains, seen in the assignment of inherent and lexical cases, but also in their fundamental differences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper characterizes the PP--nominal (prepositional phrase + nominalization) pattern in Biblical Hebrew and Rabbinic Hebrew (e.g., עלינו לעשות 'it is our duty to do') and discusses its relation to the so-called evaluative or חג״ם pattern (e.g., טוב לנו עבֹד 'it would have been better for us to serve'). In spite of the resemblance between the two, it is argued that the former is a distinct pattern both historically and typologically, but that both share similar generalizations within predicate-initial sentence patterns. Historically, the PP-nominal sentences are a unique case of prepositional phrase predicate sentences with simple noun phrase subjects, having fixed word order and nominalized subjects. Typologically, they are essentially marked for person. Changes in the PP-nominal pattern in Rabbinic Hebrew suggest that it grew closer to the evaluative pattern. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is a series of lexically resultative verbs in Biblical Hebrew that can indicate transformation in ditransitive syntactic structures. This paper analyzes the syntactic constraints that make explicit which object is the host and which object is the goal of the action. This paper also analyzes the semantic particularities of these verbs and several nouns which cluster in these constructions. The results of the paper are as follows. First, when present, a pronominal suffix on a verb or the particle את always mark the host. Second, when prepositions are utilized in these constructions, there is a degree of flexibility in the word order because certain prepositions mark the host and others mark the goal. When prepositions are not utilized, the word order options are limited. Third, this article explains contexts in which the verbs are or are not interchangeable. Fourth, clarity is provided to some verses in the Hebrew Bible. Fifth, this article highlights nominals that are almost exclusively used as goal nouns in transformative, resultative constructions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Nominal fragments in Korean can take two different forms: case-marked forms and caseless forms. Previous approaches to the two types of fragments are divided into two directions: uniform analyses and hybrid analyses. Uniform analyses are further classified into two species: direct interpretation approaches and ellipsis approaches. The direct interpretation approaches basically assume that fragments are non-sentential XPs. On this view, the unexpressed parts of the fragments' interpretation are supplied not through syntactic structure but via correspondence with the meaning of the antecedent sentence. The ellipsis approaches, by contrast, assume that fragments have sentential sources and are derived through deletion process. Hybrid analyses, on the other hand, suggest that some fragments involve sentential sources and that others are non-sentential XPs. We propose that both case-marked and caseless fragments involve movement and TP deletion but that their sentential sources are not identical--a hybrid ellipsis analysis. We show that parallel behaviors of two types of fragments are explained under the assumption that they have sentential sources, while non-parallel behaviors are explained because of their different sentential sources. Our analysis further offers fresh accounts for adnonimal modifier fragments and their interesting contrasts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article studies the nominal system and noun phrase of Bashkardi, a language of the Iranian family spoken in Southern Iran in the region of Bashakerd. Bashkardi is a very little studied language, and is in particular need of being documented because it is a minority language endangered by heavy influence from Persian. The article is based on recordings made by Ilya Gershevitch in 1956. In discussing the Bashkardi nominal system, I compare it to that of geographically or historically neighbouring languages such as Balochi, spoken nearby in the province (and also in the form of the Koroshi dialect spoken in Fars province to the west). From a historical perspective, Middle Persian and Parthian, the only two Western Iranian languages attested from Middle Iranian times, are adduced to elucidate the development of the Bashkardi nominal system. I argue that the nominal system of Bashkardi agrees with Persian and other Western Ir. languages in having lost the distinction between direct and oblique case (preserved in Kurmanji, Balochi, etc.), but that a trace of the oblique case might be present in the possessive marker -ī. Like Middle Persian, Bashkardi employs adpositions to mark syntactic relations, but none of these is used in a systematic way as of yet. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One anaphora (e.g., this is a good one) has been used as a key diagnostic in syntactic analyses of the English noun phrase, and ' one-replacement' has also figured prominently in debates about the learnability of language. However, much of this work has been based on faulty premises, as a few perceptive researchers, including Ray Jackendoff, have made clear. Abandoning the view of anaphoric one ( a- one) as a form of syntactic replacement allows us to take a fresh look at various uses of the word one. In the present work, we investigate its use as a cardinal number (1- one) in order to better understand its anaphoric use. Like all cardinal numbers, 1- one can only quantify an individuated entity and provides an indefinite reading by default. Owing to unique combinatoric properties, cardinal numbers defy consistent classification as determiners, quantifiers, adjectives, or nouns. Once the semantics and distribution of cardinal numbers, including 1- one, are appreciated, many properties of a- one follow with minimal stipulation. We claim that 1- one and a- one are distinct but very closely related lexemes. When 1- one appears without a noun (e.g., Take one), it is nearly indistinguishable from a- one (e.g., take one)-the only differences being interpretive (1- one foregrounds its cardinality while a- one does not) and prosodic (presence versus absence of primary accent). While we ultimately argue that a family of constructions is required to describe the full range of syntactic contexts in which one appears, the proposed network accounts for properties of a- one by allowing it to inherit most of its syntactic and interpretive constraints from its historical predecessor, 1- one. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper addresses the early variation in what has been called the [prep_que] variable in Spanish nominal complement clauses, i.e. the alternation between de que and que in examples such as en señal (de) que lo estimo, Zulema, este anillo ofrezco (CORDE) ‘as a sign that I appreciate You, Zulema, I offer this ring’. By applying several subsequent quantitative analyses on corpus instances of the sequences N de que and N que, the locus of variation is restricted to such an extent that the variation can largely be accounted for. A collostructional analysis identifies 31 central nouns of the N de que complement clause construction. A diachronic cluster analysis delimits the temporal dimension of the variation to the 16th and 17th centuries. A distinctive collexeme analysis identifies nine nouns which are used in both constructional formats to a comparable degree: causa ‘cause’, duda ‘doubt’, esperanza ‘hope’, fe ‘faith’, opinión ‘opinion’, recelo ‘fear’, señal ‘sign(al)’, sospecha ‘suspicion’, and temor ‘fear’. Detailed contextual analysis of the use of these nine nouns by means of a mixed-effects logistic regression reveals that the use of the nouns with a determiner is correlated with the de que variant, and the use of the nouns as part of complex predicates, as in tener sospecha ‘have suspicion’, is associated with the que variant of the complement clause. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the development of a blocking effect of nominal phrases of the phrasal movement in Bangla language. Topics include the role of quantifier phrase and demonstratives in the nominal constituents, the variation structural realization of numerals, and the manifestations of morphology and syntax in numerals.

Loose appositional constructions consist of coreferring adjacent nominals. The relation between the nominals is different from complementation and modification, and shows some intriguing syntactic, semantic and pragmatic characteristics. To model them we employ the framework of Sign-Based Construction Grammar, enriching its inventory of constructions with a highly abstract one that models supplementation in general, and a more specific one that models the loose appositional construction. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper demonstrates in the Mandarin construction with a numeral (Num), classifier (CL) or measure word (MW), and a noun (N), each can be a silent element (SE). A multiplicative function exists between Num and CL/MW. Num as a multiplier one is redundant and can be silent. CL, whose multiplicand value is one, is redundant, when Num is overt. Thus, a silent Num YI, whose pronounced counterpart is yi ‘one’, can be licensed by an overt CL/MW, which are clitics in Mandarin and require a c-commanding head as host, which must satisfy additional prosodic constraints. A silent general CL, GE, can be licensed by an overt Num. MWs do not have SE counterparts. A silent N TIME is licensed by an overt time MW, while MONEY is licensed by a monetary MW. In both cases, the meaning of the SE is already part of the MW in [Num MW N]. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper we claim that Bare Nominals in Brazilian Portuguese come in two shapes. Real BNs, by which we mean bare count nouns not specified for number and definiteness, correspond to NPs that can only occur as objects of a reduced class of predicates (namely, those that express a have-relation) and are interpreted as property-type expressions. Other BNs can be definite and, although not morphophonologically specified for number, they are DPs with null Determiners morphosyntactically specified for Number features and are interpreted as entity-type expressions. We base our analysis on the distribution and meaning of BNs, by comparing BrP with other Romance languages, mainly (Old and Modern) French on the one hand, and Spanish and Catalan on the other. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We investigate models of first-order logic designed to give semantics to reductive proof-search systems, with special attention to the so-called γ - and δ-rules controlling quantifiers. The key innovation is the use of syntax and semantics with (finitely supported) name-symmetry, in the style of nominal techniques. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Basing itself on a corpus of one thousand complex NPs, this study investigates the relationships that two attributive adjectives contract with the constituents of nominal compounds of varying size in English (e.g. new basic safety standards). Essentially, there are four logically possible relationships: (i) both adjectives modify the nominal head, (ii) both adjectives modify the nominal modifier, (iii) the first adjective modifies the head and the second adjective the modifier and (iv) the first adjective modifies the modifier and the second adjective the head (crossed modification). While options (i) and (iii) are strongly represented in the data, crossed modification is not at all present. Across all compound sizes, at least three factors shape the empirical patterns: a functional factor whereby major heads are more easily singled out than minor heads, which in turn are more available than modifiers; a structural factor whereby more deeply embedded constituents are less available than more independent constituents; and a proximity effect which encourages the modification of the first noun by the second adjective. There may be an additional saturation effect which discourages the modification of one noun by two adjectives. On the face of it, the non-occurrence of crossed modification may be connected to the well-known ban on crossing association lines. However, despite its descriptive adequacy, this principle is unconvincing. Instead, a functional explanation is proposed which centres on the possibility of working out modification relationships. Initial steps are taken towards developing a model of when (and why) the no-crossing constraint is inviolable, violable or non-existent [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents a dissertation containing extensive case studies in the morpho-syntactic structure and semantic interpretation of nominalization and constructions in American Sign Language (ASL) with deaf singers. It explores the structure of predicative possessive constructions in ASL with particular focus on the POSS sign. It also highlights the nominalization reduplication which refers to a nominalization process that derives concrete object- and result-denoting deverbal nominals.

The need to distinguish two syntactic sources for adnominal adjectives (a direct modification and a relative clause one), with the associated interpretive properties, turns out to have certain implications for the semantic classification of adjectives. We will see that it provides evidence for the existence of a class of truly privative adjectives, and for the conclusion that subsective adjectives of the tall/big type and of the skillful/good type cannot be reduced for the direct modification class to (context-sensitive) intersectivity. Furthermore, the available syntactic evidence appears to converge with Partee's more recent position that the principal divide is between predicative and non predicative adjectives, which correspond in the adnominal case to the relative clause and direct modification sources, respectively. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Two distinct negation markers compete in Malay/Indonesian verbal clauses. I argue that one (also used to negate nominal predicates) is a marker of 'external' (sentential) negation, while the other is a marker of 'internal' (predicate) negation. This contrast is demonstrated by striking differences in syntactic distribution and scopal properties. In verbal clauses the marker of predicate negation is the default, while the marker of sentential negation is allowed only in certain pragmatically determined contexts. These contexts include: (i) contrastive sentences, (ii) marked narrow focus, and (iii) metalinguistic negation. External negation in Malay is restricted to 'root clauses'; I suggest that this is due to its echoic character. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Highlights: [•] I identify two puzzles concerning the distinctions between AS-Nominals and R-Nominals. [•] I propose a syntactic structure for AS-Nominals and R-Nominals. [•] I propose a model that matches non-compositional, atomic Content with local syntactic domains. [•] I show that the proposed syntactic structure of derived nominals together with the domain of Content solve the puzzles. [•] I conclude that the solution of the puzzles points out to the necessity of assigning complex syntactic structure to derived words. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

This paper deals with a class of non-canonical construct state nominals, whose annex is non-nominal. More specifically, it examines the properties these non-canonical constructs share with canonical construct state nominals, including the absence of overt definiteness marking on the head noun. Non-canonical construct state nominals also differ from canonical construct states in imposing a restriction on the categorial nature of the annex. I argue that a predication structure (Den Dikken 2006, Ouhalla 2011) underlies non-canonical constructs, where the annex is the subject of predication and the head, a 'minimal np', is the predicate, which raises over its subject. This analysis, which seems to invert the expected subject-predicate relation within construct states, is shown to account for a number of new observations related to the structural properties of non-canonical constructs. Non-canonical construct states alternate with constructions where the head noun does not appear in construct form and can take the definite marker. I argue that those alternate constructions are in fact derived from a different initial predication structure, where the head noun is in fact the subject of predication. Being a 'minimal np', the head of non-canonical constructs cannot bear definiteness marking, under the assumption that the definite article is the overt expression of D[Def], Therefore, the account for the distribution of overt definite marking is reduced to whether the outer D dominating the whole construct state is overtly expressed. I argue that a definite outer D is not expressed in non-canonical construct states due to the Doubly-filled Comp Filter (dfcf) generalized to specifier-head configurations, as in Koopman (2000). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

. In this paper, I tackle the question of the syntactic source of the clitic en in French, debated in the literature since the late 1970s (Kayne 1977 and Milner 1978). The aim is not only to find out what en pronominalizes but also to provide an analysis of nominal expressions able to account for (i) the quantitative, partitive, and genitive examples discussed by Milner (1978) and for (ii) the fact that du/ des NPs can be replaced by en in some contexts only. What I suggest to account for the issues raised by en pronominalization is that quantitative nominals and du/ des NPs have a unified structure that takes notions like number, quantity, and count/mass into account and that du/ des NPs belong to different categories-that is, that their left periphery is composed differently. The idea is that, in addition to PPs, en can replace different layers of a nominal structure with an articulated left periphery and a fine-grained inflectional domain, in a cartographic spirit. The property underlying all uses of en could be their lack of referentiality, as observed by Gross (1973) for quantitative en. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Highlights: [⿢] We show that a lexicalist analysis of ⿿syntactically⿿ derived nominals is possible. [⿢] We show that a Generative Lexicon provides an adequate semantics of the base verb. [⿢] We show how lexical rules we designed capture the semantics of the derived nominals. [⿢] We show how these rules allow predictions regarding productivity and distributional facts. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

Highlights: [⿢] The co-occurrence restrictions of certain nominal and verbal markers in Tashlhiyt Berber follow from specific templatic constraints, handled in syntactic structures. [⿢] Construct state and gender markers compete for the same templatic position. [⿢] Phonology, morphology and syntax interface. [⿢] Templates mediate the interaction between these components of Grammar. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

Subject phrases impose particularly strong constraints on extraction. Most research assumes a syntactic account (e.g. Kayne 1983, Chomsky 1986, Rizzi 1990, Lasnik & Saito 1992, Takahashi 1994, Uriagereka 1999), but there are also pragmatic accounts (Erteschik-Shir & Lappin 1979; Van Valin 1986, 1995; Erteschik-Shir 2006, 2007) as well as performance-based approaches (Kluender 2004). In this work I argue that none of these accounts captures the full range of empirical facts, and show that subject and adjunct phrases (phrasal or clausal, finite or otherwise) are by no means impermeable to non-parasitic extraction of nominal, prepositional and adverbial phrases. The present empirical reassessment indicates that the phenomena involving subject and adjunct islands defies the formulation of a general grammatical account. Drawing from insights by Engdahl (1983) and Kluender (2004), I argue that subject island effects have a functional explanation. Independently motivated pragmatic and processing limitations cause subject-internal gaps to be heavily dispreferred, and therefore, extremely infrequent. In turn, this has led to heuristic parsing expectations that preempt subject-internal gaps and therefore speed up processing by pruning the search space of filler–gap dependencies. Such expectations cause processing problems when violated, unless they are dampened by prosodic and pragmatic cues that boost the construction of the correct parse. This account predicts subject islands and their (non-)parasitic exceptions. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

. A longstanding claim in the literature holds that by phrases are special in the passive, receiving certain external argument roles that by phrases in nominals cannot, such as the role of experiencer. This paper challenges this long-standing claim and shows that by phrases are not special in the passive: they can receive all of the θ-roles that they can in verbal passives. They are banned from certain nominals for the same reason they are banned from certain VP types like unaccusatives and sporadic advancements: by phrases require the syntactic and semantic presence of an external argument. By phrases can receive a uniform analysis, whether they occur with verbs or in nominals. The analysis proposed here involves syntactic word formation, with syntactic heads effecting passivization and nominalization. It also relies on syntactic selection for selectional features and proposes a theory of such features. The conception of grammar that emerges is one without lexical rules, where passivization and nominalization take place in the syntax. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Japanese has a set of idiomatic predicates that invoke possessor raising counting as A-movement. With the possessor-raising predicates, the possessor is overtly raised to SpecTP when it is marked with dative case. When the possessor receives nominal genitive case, it is located within the possessum nominal on the surface, and SpecTP is left unfilled. It is shown that the genitive possessor, which has remained in nominal-internal position in overt constituent structure, undergoes covert A-movement into SpecTP. The new data from Japanese illustrate that the specifier requirement of T (i.e., the EPP requirement), which is often assumed to be fulfilled only by an overt syntactic operation, may be satisfied by covert movement if the syntactic derivation feeds into its phonetic form before this requirement is fulfilled. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Eesti Rakenduslingvistika Ühingu Aastaraamat is the property of Eesti Rakenduslingvistika Uhing (ERU) / Estonian Association for Applied Linguistics and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The item de subordinating modifiers of different categories to the head noun occupies a prominent place among the unresolved puzzles in Chinese linguistics. Taking den Dikken and Singhapreecha's (2004) "linker" analysis of de as a starting point, I will argue in general against proposals analysing the modifier XP in terms of an underlying predicate, located in a small clause (den Dikken and Singhapreecha 2004, den Dikken 2006) or a relative clause (Sproat and Shih 1988, 1991, Duanmu 1998, Simpson 2001, 2003). The aim is to pave the way for an analysis of de that is in accordance with the overall syntax of Chinese. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the dissertation "DETS in the functional syntax of Greek nominals," which explores the mechanisms making restrictive modificaton by nominals (RMN) possible. The author of the dissertation evaluates the syntatic-semantic properties of the determiner that appears with count nouns, generic subjects and objects, and proper names. Results indicate that determiner contributes definiteness.

Nominalization has been described as an accompanying property or strategy for relativization, in particular for internally headed relative clauses and for headless or free relative clauses (Andrews 2007, Comrie and Thompson 2007, Keenan 1985, and Shibatani 2009). Comrie and Thompson (2007:379) claim that there are no formal distinctions between nominalization and relativization in certain languages, while Shibatani further argues that what have been mistakenly identified as relative clauses in some languages are in fact nominalizations, since they are neither syntactically nor semantically dependent on the nominal head they modify (2009:163). This paper establishes that Chimariko, an extinct language of Northern California, uses clausal nominalization as a relativization strategy, similar to what has been found for Diegueño, Mojave, Wappo, Quechua, and many other languages. In Chimariko, relative clauses are subordinate restrictive clauses which are either internally headed or headless. They include the four characteristics expected in relative clause constructions (Keenan 1985): (1) they are sentence-like; (2) they consist of a head noun (present or inferred) and a relative clause; (3) they have a total of two predicates; and (4) they describe or delimit an argument. However, the verbal suffix marking dependency in these clauses could be interpreted either as a relativizer or as a clausal nominalizer paralleling constructions found in Diegueño and many other languages. Functionally. these constructions represent relative clauses given that they are restrictive. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the syntactic nature of Bengali nominalization, focusing mainly in the substitution feature of the noun. The basic features of syntactical nominalization are described. Also detailed is the importance of sentence structure in the discussion of nominalization at syntactical level. Examples to illustrate the role of negative sentences in the syntactical analysis at any level are given as well.

The article focuses on the difference between natural and artificial languages in expressing the domain of quantifiers. It states that quantifiers take as input and yield another as output in familiar formal languages, while natural language quantifiers combine with a nominal expression to create a complex quantificational phrase. It says that the syntactic difference between artificial and natural language is correlated with semantic functions.

This article aims at focusing on a set of phenomena related to the syntax and semantics of bare count nominals. We will show that bare count nominals unmarked for number (BNs) can occur both in object argument position and in predicate position, and can form denominal verbs. This is because, in syntax, BNs can only occur as internal arguments of relational categories (V, P) to which bare nouns can move and conflate at some point during the syntactic derivation (Hale & Keyser, Prolegomenon to a theory of argument structure, MIT Press, 2002). On the other hand, BNs -- being property denoting expressions -- can neither occur as internal arguments of unaccusative and complex transitive verbs nor as external arguments due to a structural constraint on subjects / specifiers (Kallulli, The comparative syntax of Albanian. On the contribution of syntactic types to propositional interpretation, University of Durham dissertation, 1999): they must be properly licensed by appropriate functional categories. The novelty of this article is to relate the occurrence of bare nominals with the argument structure position in which they may occur at a syntactic level of representation, and to explain the relationship between argument structure and the interpretation of bare nominals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Une analyse de la structure déterminant/infinitif dans les langues romanes est présentée ici, ainsi qu'une classification des transformations possibles de verbes à l'infinitif en noms. Les sujets traités incluent la logique de certaines structures de substantivation de l'infinitif en espagnol et italien, la distinction de trois grands types de structures de la marque verbale de l'infinitif, et des propositions psychomécaniques sur la structure déterminant/temps.

The three inversion types of French are put in a synchronic comparative perspective with respect to Dutch and Italian. One, complex inversion, is unique. Pronominal inversion not only shares the syntactic derivation with Dutch, but also the conditions of use, with one lexical exception, anteposed aussi. Nominal inversion appears to not only share the syntactic derivation with Italian, but also the focus property of some non-interrogative inverted structures. On a more abstract general level, we argue in favour of an hypothesis according to which the actual use of both inversion types in French form proper subsets of their actual uses in Dutch and Italian respectively. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: This article shows that once it is accepted that a single morpheme can lexicalize a “span” of heads rather than a single head, it becomes possible to establish the complex structures underlying noun class prefixes and agreement markers in Nguni (Xhosa, Zulu, Ndebele and Swati) in a mechanical way, based on the distributional properties of the morphemes involved. These structures together with general principles of lexicalization turn out to make an accurate prediction about the syncretism patterns observed among the different types of agreement markers (concords), and we are also led to conclude that the size of nominal projections must be a locus of parametric variation, by comparing Nguni to other Southern Bamtu languages. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

Abstract: Existentially interpreted bare nominals in English have been argued to be in focus; generic bare nominals, topical. In distributional terms, these nominals distribute more freely as compared to, e.g. Romance bare nominals. Arabic bare nominals pattern with the latter in interpretation and distribution. This paper proposes that Arabic bare nominals, which can only be interpreted existentially, are foci, on a par with their English counterparts, and that this plays a key role in their licensing. More importantly, the present paper seeks to derive the surface differences seen in the distribution of these nominals in Arabic and English from deeper differences between these two languages in the focus system facts and word order possibilities. Arabic has a freer word order, but is more constrained in its focus system. The reverse holds in English, a fact that explains why English bare nominals are more freely distributed than their Arabic counterparts. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

In this paper I explore the elements that make up the German distributive universal quantifier jeder, and the structural relationships among them. I argue that jeder consists of three overt morphemes je-d-er, which are heads in an extended adjectival projection (xAP). Their relative order is derived by movement [xAPje d er tjeP]. Je corresponds to the adjectival stem, -d- is an adjectival article (which in turn is analyzed as a relative complementizer) and -er is an agreement head, AgrA. The xAP further contains movement traces/ copies of the nominal which jeder quantifies over. One of these copies is in the complement of je where, I claim, it supplies the restriction (distributive key or range). The components of the proposal are all motivated independently of jeder: (i) the morphology of jeder identifies it as adjectival, hence an analysis of it must incorporate an (independently motivated) adjectival syntax; (ii) a comparison with the distributive dual quantifier beid- ‘both’ further informs the syntactic analysis internal to the word jeder; and (iii) a comparison of je in jeder and in other je-words suggests that je takes an N(P) complement, a fact that confirms the expectations regarding the selectional properties of je raised by the preceding discussion. Finally, a comparison of jeder with counterparts of it in other languages, as well as with other complex determiners in German, will broaden the scope and corroborate important aspects of the present proposal. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Taking the quest for symmetry in the analysis of the syntax of measure phrases (MP) as a heuristic background, this article tries to further our understanding of MPs by giving an in-depth, cross-linguistic analysis of adjectival and nominal constructions featuring an MP. It is shown that symmetry is found both at the level of phrase structural organization and at the level of displacement. As for the first level of symmetry, it is argued that MPs are predicate nominals and, as such, typically start out as small clause predicates within the nominal and adjectival projections. As for the second level of symmetry, it is argued that the same types of displacement processes (predicate inversion, remnant movement, head movement) are attested in nominal and adjectival constructions featuring MP. It is further noted that there is an intra-linguistic parallelism between the syntax of MPs and the syntax of possessors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The noun phrase was long a neglected area within research in modern syntactic theory. Studies tended to focus instead on the clause and less attention was paid to the internal structure of the noun phrase. The early studies would often take an interest in the properties of noun phrases only in so far as they interacted with clausal morpho-syntax. Nominalisations were then subject to some early studies, as in Chomsky (1970) and work inspired by it. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]