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Positive attitudes and trust towards former adversaries facilitate reconciliation and peacebuilding. Both historical and current intergroup experiences such as intergroup contact and conflict predict intergroup attitudes and trust but no previous research has investigated the joint effects of these experiences. Therefore, we study the interplay of positive intergroup contact preceding conflict, negative experiences of the conflict, and positive intergroup contact following conflict. Drawing on social representations theory and using a multilevel design, we highlight the importance of both individual and collective experiences. We examine the effects of such experiences on intergroup attitudes and trust among a large sample of Greek Cypriots (N = 802) and Turkish Cypriots (N = 718) from 54 formerly ethnically mixed villages in the context of a protracted and frozen conflict in Cyprus. Present day individual contact related to more positive attitudes and higher trust regardless of past experiences of conflict or contact. Furthermore, past collective contact experiences predict more positive attitudes and higher trust, whereas past collective conflict experiences predicted more negative attitudes and lower trust. Finally, present-day contact closes the gap in trust between respondents with low and high past contact. Overall, both current and historical, and individual and collective experiences matter.

In post-conflict and segregated societies, overcoming high prejudice between groups is essential for peaceful coexistence. In this paper, we explore the roles of direct contact (face-to-face contac...

The Mediterranean island of Cyprus, the last divided country in Europe, faced a grave risk of plunging into war in September 2011. The reason behind this danger was represented as the confrontation over the excavation of hydrocarbon reserves found in the Eastern Mediterranean Sea. The main goal of this article is to explore the extent to which peace journalism was practiced, or not, by analysing the front-page stories of the prominent Turkish Cypriot and Greek Cypriot newspapers about this conflict. A review of peace journalism research reveals that researchers have mainly focused on war reporting. In order to address this deficit in peace journalism research, this article focuses on a case study where there was a risk for military confrontation. The combined sample drawn from six newspapers in the respective communities indicates a strong preference towards war journalism. As the analysis further shows, the newspapers from both sides failed to discuss peaceful solutions to the hydrocarbons conflict and they also failed to discuss the negative repercussions of a possible war related to the hydrocarbons conflict.

The aim of the current article is to discuss the importance of using mixed methods in social sciences research, by referring to Neophytou [1] methodology and results. Neophytou [1], using qualitative and quantitative research methods in the same research, arguably provided a general picture of the attitudes of Greek and Turkish Cypriot university students towards each other. The results of the quantitative research informed the development of the qualitative research. Some of the results confirmed those of previous research, whereas others where new and noteworthy. For example, the quantitative research revealed that attitudes towards the 'Other' and proximity with the 'Other' are positively correlated, something that was seen in previous research. Additionally, in both cases, Greek and Turkish Cypriot participants were more positive towards their in-groups over their out-groups, but surprisingly, Turkish Cypriots appeared less negative towards their out-group compared with Greek Cypriots. Students' concern about language and religion were obvious, though this was expressed mainly by Greek Cypriots. Turkish Cypriots appeared more eager to meet other cultures (East and West); they had heard, read and lived other cultures more than Greek Cypriot participants. The above and other findings raised new questions that were further analysed with the use of qualitative methods. The proper use of mixed methods gave a holistic view of Greek and Turkish Cypriots conceptions and misconceptions towards the 'Other Cypriot'.

This open-street event in Mouttalos, a residential neighborhood in the center of Paphos, Cyprus, used vacant open spaces for a series of festive activities, events and workshops. Inhabited by Turkish Cypriots until 1974, Mouttalos now provides a “temporary” place of residence for displaced Greek Cypriot refugees. The festival, held in 2017, aimed to generate interest in the underdeveloped area through an enhanced urban experience, and to initiate long-term investment, both social and financial.

The main goal of this paper is to analyze political attitudes of Turkish Cypriot and Greek Cypriot, as well as Turkish and Greek politics towards the Cyprus Question from 1967 to 1974. The relevant period played a crucial role in shaping the political process leading to the Greek coup and Turkish intervention of 1974. Therefore, it might be presumed that analyzing the political developments within this period is likely to provide a contribution for the literature. The historical research covered by this paper starts with 1967 since it was the year that the Junta of Colonels seized power in Greece. Additionally, in late 1967, a Turkish Cypriot village was attacked by Greek Cypriot forces led by General Grivas. As a consequence Turkey asked for, and obtained the removal of the Greek forces that were, in a way contradictory to Zurich-London treaties, stationed on the island in 1964. The historical research ceases with 1974 incidents since the Greek coup and the Turkish intervention overwhelmingly re-shaped the political destiny of Cyprus. This study examined historical sources written in Turkish, Greek and English (archival materials, newspapers and memoires) to shed light on the relevant political developments. The research conducted by this paper reached to the conclusion that the Greek Cypriot leaders tried to limit Turkish Cypriots’ veto rights by amending the constitution, and the Turkish Cypriot leaders tried to provide local autonomy for their community. Moreover, while there were significant conflicts and tensions between Greece and Greek Cypriot leaders, the relations between Turkey and Turkish Cypriot leaders were based on harmony and cooperation. ÖzBu çalışmanın temel amacı, 1967-1974 yılları arasında adadaki Türk ve Rum toplumları ile Türkiye ve Yunanistan’ın Kıbrıs Sorununa nasıl yaklaştıklarını incelemektir. Bu dönemin Kıbrıs, Türkiye ve Yunanistan’ın siyasi tarihleri açısından önem taşıyan 1974 gelişmelerini şekillendiren bir süreç olmasından ötürü, ilgili tarafların bu yıllardaki siyasetlerini incelemenin literatüre katkı sağlayacağı düşünülmektedir. 1967, Yunanistan’da Albaylar Cuntasının iktidara geldiği, bir yandan diplomatik çabalar sürerken diğer yandan General Grivas komutasındaki Rum askeri birliklerinin bir Türk köyüne saldırdığı, bunun sonrasındaysa Türkiye’nin tutumunu sertleştirerek adaya 1964 yılında Zürih-Londra antlaşmalarına aykırı biçimde yerleştirilen Yunan birliklerinin Kıbrıs’tan çıkarılmasını sağladığı bir yıl olmasından ötürü tarihsel incelemenin başlangıç noktası olarak uygun görülmüştür. Araştırmanın tarihsel kapsamının 1974 yılı ile sonlanmasının sebebi ise, adanın siyasal kaderini büyük oranda etkileyen iki gelişmenin, Yunan Cuntasının Kıbrıs’ta yaptırdığı darbe ile Türkiye’nin Kıbrıs Harekâtının o yıl yaşanmasıdır. Araştırma; Türkçe, Yunanca ve İngilizce tarihsel belgeler (arşivler, gazeteler ve hatıratlar) inceleyerek ilgili tarafların Kıbrıs siyasetlerine ışık tutmaya çalışmıştır. İncelenen dönemde Kıbrıslı Rum liderlerin anayasal değişiklikler vasıtasıyla adadaki Türk toplumunun veto haklarını sınırlandırmaya, Kıbrıslı Türk liderlerin ise ada Türkleri için yerel yönetimde özerklik hakkı elde etmeye çalıştıkları görüldü. İncelenen dönemde Yunanistan ile Kıbrıs Rum liderleri arasında ciddi çatışmalar ve görüş ayrılıkları yaşanırken Türkiye ile Kıbrıs Türk liderleri arasında uyum ve işbirliğinin egemen olduğu da çalışma tarafından ulaşılan dikkate değer bir sonuçtur.

There have been many discussions about property disputes between Turkish and Greek Cypriots since 1963, when Turkish Cypriots were ousted from the administration of the Republic of Cyprus. Representatives of Turkish Cypriots and Greek Cypriots have been negotiating to find a lasting solution to the ‘Cyprus Problem’ since 1968. One of the main issues of the negotiations is how to find a solution in a bi-zonal federation to the property problem, which started in 1964 for the Turkish Cypriots and 1974 for the Greek Cypriots. Any kind of comprehensive settlement plan would include restitution, exchange, and compensation to resolve property disputes. Therefore, prior to any solution, this study aims to contribute to estimating the cost of compensation of properties through a mass valuation methodology. The study also investigates the cost of relocation of dispossessed owners and current users due to reinstatement. The study demonstrates, in various analyses, the amount needed for compensation of proper...

A partitioned Cyprus has thus far been studied and discussed as a Turkish Cypriot fait accompli. In The Normalization of Cyprus’ Partition Among Greek Cypriots: Political Economy and Political Cult...

The article analyses expressions of hate speech/behaviour between the two main Cypriot communities – Greek and Turkish. Research and discussion on hate speech is theoretically and empirically informed by the notions of nationalism and otherism which have moulded hate speech perceptions in Cyprus. The major finding is that hate speech between Greek and Turkish Cypriots although subsiding in recent years can be easily triggered by political and social actors by references to history and/or isolated violent incidents. Hate speech is rooted in historical legacies, conservative and nationalistic world-views, takes several forms and permeates Cypriot society, although most times is not explicitly expressed and does not take a violent turn.

The Ottoman citizens together with the local community had generally lived a peaceful life in Cyprus, conquered by the Ottoman Empire in 1571, until the island was handed over to the England in 1878. Following such period and subsequent process, the Turkish Cypriots and Greek Cypriots continued to live together in the island until the foundation of Republic of Cyprus in 1960; yet, with the impact of British policies, the Turkish and Greek Cypriot communities had started to disintegrate. In 1950s, the island began to lose its nature and the concept of living together peacefully was disappeared due to the armed attacks of Greek Cypriots launched within the scope of underground military organisation and the responses of Turkish Cypriots through their underground military organisations together with the limited resources. The events, which stopped with the foundation of 1960 Republic of Cyprus, had become more severe following the obligatory leave of Turkish Cypriots from the partnership republic in 1963, and continued until the military intervention of Turkey in 1974 and both communities had losses, more in the Turkish Cypriot side. Until 1950s to 1974, the Turkish Cypriots, who did not feel secure in the southern part of island, migrated to the northern part of island. The relevant immigrants had shared their common lives with the Greek Cypriots before 1950s and then the following conflicts through oral narratives to their children born in the northern part of Cyprus; therefore, the perceptions of children of migrated families were only shaped with the narrations and some written references since a direct communication was not possible particularly until the opening of border crossing points. The original value of this study is the non-availability of any oral history research on the Turkish-Greek Cypriot relations before 1974 conducted with the generation after 1974; the aim of this research is to identify the perceptions of Turkish Cypriots born in the northern part of Cyprus mainly after 1974 that was shaped within the framework of oral narrations within the families through the individual interviews with the reference people sharing their experiences within the history via the press screening for the identification of social-political structure during the historical process, and the formation of such perceptions through the interviews.Öz1571’de Osmanlı İmparatorluğu’nca fethedilen Kıbrıs’ta, Osmanlı vatandaşları ile, yerli halk, 1878’de ada İngiltere’ye kiralanana kadar, bir arada, genel olarak huzurlu bir yaşam sürmüşlerdir. 1878’de, adanın İngiltere’ye kiralanması ve izleyen süreçte adada, 1960 Kıbrıs Cumhuriyeti kurulana değin, Kıbrıslı Türkler ve Kıbrıslı Rumlar, bir arada yaşamaya devam etmiş ancak, İngiliz yönetiminin politikalarının da etkisi ile, Türk ve Rum toplumları süreç içerisinde ayrışmaya başlamıştır. 1950’li yıllarda, önce Kıbrıslı Rumlarca yer altı askeri yapılanma kapsamında başlatılan silahlı saldırılar ve Kıbrıslı Türklerin kendilerini müdafaa kapsamındaki yer altı askeri yapılanmaları aracılığıyla ve kısıtlı imkanlarla verdiği karşılıklarla birlikte, adada kayıplar yaşanmış, bir arada huzurlu yaşam olgusu yitirilmiştir. 1960 Kıbrıs Cumhuriyeti’nin kurulması ile duran olaylar, 1963’de Kıbrıslı Türklerin ortaklık cumhuriyetinden ayrılmak zorunda kalmasının akabinde, yeniden şiddetlenmiş ve Türkiye’nin adaya 1974’de gerçekleştirdiği askeri müdahaleye kadar sürmüş; Kıbrıslı Türk toplumundan daha fazla olmak üzere, iki toplum da kayıplar vermiştir. 1950’lerden, 1974’e kadar, çatışmalar nedeniyle, adanın güneyinde kendilerini güvende hissetmeyen Kıbrıslı Türkler, adanın kuzeyine göç etmiştir. İlgili göçmenler, Rum toplumu ile 1950’ler öncesi ortak yaşamlarını ve sonrasındaki çatışmaları sözlü anlatımlarla, adanın kuzeyinde doğan çocuklarına aktarmış; özellikle 2003 yılında sınır kapıların açılmasına kadar, doğrudan iletişimin mümkün olamaması nedeniyle, göç eden neslin çocuklarının algısı, sadece anlatımlar ve bazı yazılı kaynaklar ile şekillenmiştir. 1974 sonrası doğan nesil ile daha önce, 1974 öncesi Türk-Rum ilişkileri hakkında sözlü tarih araştırması yapılmamış olması, çalışmanın özgün değerini ortaya koyarken; çalışmada, tarihsel süreçteki deneyimlerini aktaracak kaynak kişilerle gerçekleştirilen bireysel görüşmeler ve yine tarihsel süreçteki sosyal-siyasi yapıyı tespit adına basın taraması ile birlikte, temel olarak, 1974 sonrası kuzeyde doğan Kıbrıslı Türklerin, aile içi sözlü anlatımlar çerçevesinde şekillenen ilgili algılarının, gerçekleştirilecek mülakatlar ile şekillendiğinin tespiti hedeflenmektedir.

Aims and Objectives/Purpose/Research Questions: After years of conflict, struggle and separation, the partial opening of the Green Line that divides Cyprus made mutual transitions and contact between the Turkish and Greek Cypriots possible. Soon after, Greek and Turkish language courses started to attract interest and gained popularity. This study aims to identify the motivations that led both community members to learn the language of ‘the other community’ and discover their attitudes towards each other and the target language. Design/Methodology/Approach: A questionnaire that includes motivation and attitude scales and subscales on a five-point Likert-type scale was prepared both in Turkish and English. It was distributed to the Turkish and Greek Cypriots who were attending evening classes at that time. The study employed a quantitative approach. Data and Analysis: Statistical analysis was performed with the SPSS 18 statistical package. Frequency analysis and independent samples t-tests were applied. Results/Conclusions: Both community members have intrinsic motivation to continue the language classes. The participants express their enjoyment of the feeling of accomplishment that comes with learning to speak another language successfully in this regard. The Greek Cypriots are driven by their integrative motivation as they illustrate their wish to feel closer to the Turkish Cypriots and communicate with them. In terms of language attitudes, the Turkish Cypriots tend to exhibit more positive attitudes, mostly due to economic reasons. However, the fact that the Greek Cypriots do not cross the border seems to reveal their negative attitudes towards the Turkish Cypriots. Overall, the members of both communities are hesitant to express their opinions about each other. Originality and Significance/Implications: This study provides the evidence that despite having a cautious stance towards the other community, various motivational factors encourage Turkish and Greek Cypriots to take language classes. The study emphasizes that more steps should be taken both at social and political levels to bring the members of the two Cypriot communities closer, to enable language contact, and to smooth out the sceptic attitudes about each other.

During the 1975–2003 period, any contact between the Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots was virtually non-existent. Barring a few thousand Greek Cypriots who decided to remain in their villages in Karpasia and were henceforth called ‘stranded’ (in Greek eγκλωβισμένοι or egklovismenoi, literally meaning ‘trapped’), a few hundred Turkish Cypriots who remained in areas under the control of the Republic of Cyprus, and the singular situation of the border villages Potamia and Pyla, the geographical separation on the basis of ethnic origin was absolute. The relocation from one part of Cyprus to another was prohibited, with the sole exception of the Maronite population who reserved the right to sporadically visit their villages in northern Cyprus and any relatives of theirs residing in Kormakitis. An entire generation of Cypriots grew up in a divided Cyprus, having no contact whatsoever with the other community and the other half of the country.

The opening of the checkpoints in April 2003 was the single most important development in recent Cypriot history and inter-communal relations since 1974. The opening of the first checkpoint on the Ledra Palace street marked a moment of truth, a point in history at which Cyprus ‘came of age’, with the Greek Cypriot population gaining access to the northern part and the Turkish Cypriot population gaining access to the southern part. Expectedly, a part of both the Greek Cypriot and the Turkish Cypriot population were and still are opposed to the opening of the checkpoints and refuse to cross them. This section of the population, which although substantial is still a minority, served as the political basis and as the social legitimation for using the virus Covid-19 crisis as an opportunity to ‘temporarily’ close the checkpoints and forbid all crossings in mid-March 2020.

The Annan Plan referendum and especially the social and political processes that preceded and followed the Plan in the months before and after the referendum were particularly important, both for the Cyprus dispute itself and for its perception by the Cypriot population. The referendum results—an overwhelming No by the Greek Cypriots (76%) and a powerful Yes by the Turkish Cypriots (64%)—set the tone of the next few years, sending multiple negative messages to many different recipients inside and outside Cyprus. Despite the almost ludicrous circumstances amidst which the peace talks and the referendum itself were conducted, and despite the polarisation within the two communities and the fact that the political discussion in the Greek Cypriot community was dominated by a biased, one-sided viewpoint, there was also a huge positive aspect to emerge out of this story: the referendum illustrated what the bizonal bicommunal federation and more specifically the power distribution mean and what they could possibly mean. In this respect, although the referendum abruptly cut short the potential that had been unlocked in 2003 with the checkpoint openings, at the same time, it served as a continuation of that liberating incident inasmuch as it further dispelled various myths.

In this paper, we focus on the Cyprus problem, a thorny and multi-dimensional problem, and especially on the historic events in the years 1950-74 that led the island to the current stalemate and the status quo with two separate communities. Although the decision by the Turkish Cypriot side to open the borders in 2003 and the negotiations between the two sides for a settlement, the Cyprus problem remains unresolved. We will also deal with the Annan Plan which has been characterised by some observers as a unique opportunity for a settlement and attempt to explain the reasons why the Greek Cypriot side rejected it massively.

The hopes created by the unexpected triumph of Mustafa Akıncı in the Turkish Cypriot parliamentary elections in 2015 opened once again the debate about Turkish Cypriot identity. Despite the various works on the issue since the opening of the borders in 2003, the issue of identity in the Turkish Cypriot community still remains under-researched. The hope of the Turkish Cypriots for reunification and an end to political isolation was replaced by skepticism after the rejection of the 2004 Annan Plan by the Greek Cypriots in a national referendum. Nevertheless the election of Mustafa Akιncı with an overwhelming sixty percent proves that the Turkish Cypriots should not be considered as loyal to the AKP-controlled Turkish political order as perhaps they were once thought to be. This article will attempt to examine the various aspects of Turkish Cypriot identity, as this has been formed by the Cyprus issue, their fifty-year-long isolation and the hope for an end of the present status quo that will open a window to the outside world forty-one years after the 1974 war and eleven years after the Annan Plan referenda.

This paper documents a series of experiments analyzing intra- and inter-cultural differences in trust and reciprocity between Turks, Turkish Cypriots, and Greek Cypriots. Our findings challenge the popular belief in international circles that there is mistrust between the two communities living in Cyprus. First of all, we find that Cypriots have similar levels of trust towards others in general, although the two communities have different ethnic, religious, and socioeconomic characteristics. Furthermore, we find no inter-cultural differences in trust among Cypriots. However, Turkish Cypriots are less reciprocal towards Greek Cypriots than they are towards members of their own community. Finally, we find that the Greek Cypriots who had at least one parent displaced after the civil war in Cyprus trust Turkish people less compared to those whose parents were not displaced, but no such mistrust exists against Turkish Cypriots. These findings indicate that in terms of trusting behavior, Cypriots on the island are more similar than what is portrayed by the politicians.

Two studies investigated the effectiveness of intergroup contact in Turkish Cypriot children with the aim of improving attitudes, intentions, and trust toward Greek Cypriots. In the first study, we found that positive contact and positive family storytelling were associated with more positive outgroup attitudes and intended outgroup behavior in a group of 6- to 12-year-old Turkish Cypriots. We followed this up in Study 2 by using a vicarious intergroup contact intervention technique. Turkish Cypriot children aged 6–11 years took part in a 3-week intervention involving reading stories of solidarity between Turkish and Greek Cypriot children. Results showed that the intervention worked to improve outgroup attitudes, intended behavior, and outgroup trust. These findings suggest that indirect contact techniques such as extended contact and vicarious intergroup contact can be used as prejudice-reduction tools in intractable conflict zones, most in need of such interventions.

The discovery of natural gas and oil reserves in Israel and Cyprus’s adjoining Exclusive Economic Zones laid the foundations for wide-ranging cooperation between Tel Aviv and Nicosia in the areas of economy, energy and defence. But it also unveiled big challenges. The Cyprus problem became entangled in the broader international discord over both offshore energy and the increase in Israeli–Turkish tensions. Renewed negotiations between the Greek Cypriot and Turkish Cypriot communities, first in February 2014 and then in April 2015, were mainly driven by the discovery of natural gas reserves off Cyprus and the wish of the EU and USA to reconcile the Republic of Cyprus with Turkey and facilitate a Turkey–Israel rapprochement, as the latter might be vital for a ’pro-western’ method of exploitation of the natural wealth. This article, however (relying on primary sources: archives and interviews from Israel, Turkey, Greece, Cyprus, Lebanon and United Kingdom), studying the background of the Turkish–Cypr...

Following Turkey’s intervention in and invasion of Cyprus in July and August 1974, the island was split into two. In the north, a Turkish Cypriot political entity was established that was only recognized by Turkey. Turkey played a crucial role in the settlement process of between 30 and 45 thousand settlers from Turkey in Northern Cyprus during the first wave of settlement, from 1974 to 1980. The settlers were largely needed to create and consolidate a viable Turkish Cypriot state. In order to successfully carry out this settlement process, which was characterized by a rapid installation of a large group of settlers, Turkish and Turkish Cypriot authorities had to prepare land and housing for the arriving settlers. This was made possible by the large void left behind by the Greek Cypriots that fled and were transferred to South-Cyprus following the 1974 War. The settlement process was thus carried out through an organized, state-controlled demographic engineering, in which housing, land and resourc...

During the Cyprus Emergency the British administration made considerable use of both Cypriot and Turkish collaborators as policemen and civil servants. Most were able to sink back into the safety of their own ethnic community after the Emergency, but some had become pariahs and had to look to the departing British for succour. They were the small group of Greek Cypriots who actively collaborated with the British against EOKA (National Organization of Cypriot Fighters), and the even smaller group of Turkish Cypriots who worked with them against the Turkish underground organisation, TMT. This article uses newly released archival materials to explore the history of these collaborators, asking questions about their recruitment, their actions, and the risks and dangers they faced. Evidence emerges as to how the British rewarded and subsequently treated these collaborators, how those who applied for asylum fared, and what happened to them once they arrived in Britain.

This article presents a mathematical model that studies the dynamics of HIV in North and South Cyprus. The global stability of the two equilibrium points involved are disease-free and endemic, and are performed using Lyapunov function. We have showed that the stability is dependent on the magnitude of the basic reproduction number R 0 . If R 0 < 1, the disease free equilibrium point is globally asymptotically stable and the disease vanishes, whereas if R 0 ≥ 1, the endemic equilibrium point is globally asymptotically stable and epidemics will occur. Real data obtained from the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus Ministry of Health is used to examine and predict the progress of HIV in North Cyprus, as well as comparing our results with South Cyprus using their published data. Reported HIV positive cases of only Turkish and Greek Cypriots were included from the data obtained from Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus Ministry of Health and South Cyprus data, respectively. The results showed that, the basic reproduction number of North and South Cyprus are 0.00012 and 0.00034 respectively; which are less than one; hence, this indicates that there is currently no epidemic in the country. Furthermore, the number of HIV positive individuals in North Cyprus is likely to increase by almost 50%, whereas for South Cyprus an increase of 100% of the initial value (of 2017) is estimated in the next 20 years. Thus, the authorities should take the necessary actions and strategic measures for controlling the spread of the disease. © 2019, Springer Nature Switzerland AG.

Background In 1981, the Committee on Missing Persons in Cyprus (CMP) was established with a clear purpose: to determine the fate of the missing Greek and Turkish Cypriots who disappeared during the periods 1963–64 and 1974. Following many years of investigations and negotiations, such as on a mutually agreed list of 2001 missing persons (493 Turkish Cypriots and 1508 Greek Cypriots), the CMP officially began its operational phase in 2006 with a small number of Greek Cypriot and Turkish Cypriot scientists. Methods This paper presents and analyses the development of the programme, the ways of providing assistance to other countries, and how the programme has influenced local and regional capacity. To do so, the authors performed qualitative and quantitative analyses to assess the programme accurately (annual staff numbers, annual excavations, exhumations and identifications, applied field and lab methods, internship and training programmes). Conclusions The results show that the CMP has established a successful humanitarian programme, serving as a model for cooperation in a post-conflict environment. Since 2006, the team of scientists has grown in both numbers and experience, while the CMP has developed into a key player in the field of human identification that is able to provide expertise and technical assistance at a regional level. Ultimately, the authors were able to elucidate the current prospects and future perspectives of the programme to provide a holistic view to readers.

The Turkish Cypriot and Greek Cypriot communities in Cyprus have been divided for the last five decades. This study investigated whether the recent introduction of Greek language studies in Turkish Cypriot secondary schools affects students’ attitudes towards the language, its speakers and culture, and motivation to study the language. Findings revealed that students studying Greek (experimental group) report having more positive attitudes towards Greek, its culture, and speakers and are more motivated to study it. Findings confirm the important role the degree of satisfaction with language studies plays in students’ motivation to study a language.

The aim of the current study was to investigate the severity and presence of PTSD symptoms and the relationship between PTSD and suicidal ideation and hopelessness level among Turkish Cypriot war veterans who were in 1958, 1963, and 1974 Cyprus wars with Greek Cypriots. It was hypothesized that, PTSD symptoms increase the risk of suicidal behaviour and the level of hopelessness. The sample of this study formed from 61 Turkish Cypriot veterans who were fought in 1958, 1963, and 1974 Cyprus wars with Greek Cypriots. There are 4 section of this study. They are respectively, Sociodemographic Form which was structured by researcher to get general information, ClinicianAdministrated PTSD Scale (CAPS) which diagnoses the PTSD criteria’s, Beck Hopelessness Scale (BHS) to determine the hopelessness level, and Suicidal Behavior Scale (SBS) to investigate the suicidal ideations. The data were gathered from veterans who live in Nicosia, Famagusta, and Kyrenia. The results of this study as it was expected showed that, 86,9% of Turkish Cypriot veterans showed higher level of PTSD symptoms and relatedly they have higher suicidal ideations or attempts and hopelessness. It was indicated that, even after 40 years of war, the effects of PTSD could be seen on veterans. Keywords: post-traumatic stress disorder (ptsd), suicidal behavior, hopelessness, the History of Cyprus, The Turkish Resistance Organization (TRO)

This technical note presents the methods and techniques developed by the Bi-communal Forensic Team (BCFT) of the Committee on Missing Persons in Cyprus (CMP) used to excavate and exhume the remains of missing persons, many of whom were buried in deep wells at sites across the island of Cyprus during the conflict period of the 1960s and 1970s. A total of 493 Turkish Cypriots and 1508 Greek Cypriots were officially reported missing by the two communities as a result of the conflict. Since the team's formation, in 2005, the BCFT has excavated 114 wells, resulting in the recovery of 195 missing individuals from 35 of these well excavations. The standard excavation approach used by the BCFT, especially for deep well recovery, consists of "ramp," "pocket," and "pool" components. These excavation features enable CMP archaeologists to excavate deep wells safely and efficiently while simultaneously permitting time for thorough documentation and unimpeded recovery of human remains. The team uses three variants of this approach to cope with the variety of geological, physical, and hydrological contexts faced in Cyprus' wells, including hard and soft landforms, the presence or absence of water, and limitations imposed by surrounding infrastructure. The "terracing", "double-ramp", and "single-ramp" variations are detailed with respect to the environmental contexts which prescribe their use. The BCFT's general procedures for human remains recovery and standard well safety protocols conclude the article. © 2015 American Academy of Forensic Sciences.

As the global wave of decolonization that began after 1945 reached the island of Cyprus, the Cyprus question turned into an issue of paramount importance for Turkish nationalists and for the Turkish people in general. Long before, Turkish foreign policy architects – who had previously taken the line that ‘Turkey does not have a Cyprus problem’ – came to portray Cyprus as a ‘national cause’. Three different geopolitical discourses were instrumental in legitimizing Turkey’s claims over Cyprus and in leading Turkish society to believe that it had a crucial stake in the fate of the island. Naturalized geopolitics represented Cyprus as a natural extension of the Turkish heartland, while ideological geopolitics put forth that Greek Cypriots were responsible for the spread of communism. Finally, civilizational geopolitics characterized Turkey and Greece’s rivalry in Cyprus as the latest chapter in the centuries-old conflict between Turkishness and Hellenism.

In a judgment rendered on May 12, 2014, the Grand Chamber of the European Court of Human Rights (Court) ordered Turkey to pay Cyprus unprecedented sums for nonpecuniary damage suffered by the relatives of missing persons and by the “enclaved” Greek Cypriot residents of the Karpas Peninsula stemming from the Turkish invasion of Cyprus in 1974 and its aftermath. In doing so, the Court applied Article 41 on just satisfaction of the European Convention on the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms (European Convention or Convention) to an interstate complaint for the first time.

The capital city of Cyprus, Nicosia, has been the seat of government and administrative authority throughout the island's history. The Lusignan reign in the twelfth century (1192–1489) was followed by Venetian (1489–1571), Ottoman (1571–1878) and British (1878–1960) rule until the establishment of the independent state of Cyprus (1960–1963). Today, Nicosia is the last divided capital city in Europe, serving the Turkish Cypriots in the north and the Greek Cypriots in the south of the island. The palaces, monuments and governmental centres illustrate how territorial belonging and power were defined and reflected in the buildings of the city itself. The way in which the power of individuals, communities and nations is organized can be traced through the organization of space and the architectural forms of administrative buildings. This paper elaborates on the ideas and experiences of architects with regard to the ideational background, symbolic significance and relationship between art form and polit...

This chapter examines the conduct of counter-insurgency operations from March 1957 to March 1959, the latter date marking the official termination of hostilities. This chapter contends that the EOKA switched tactics during this time period; by killing Greek Cypriot leftists and Turkish Cypriots, the EOKA forced the Security Forces to focus on the restoration of public order, thereby providing the EOKA with breathing space. This chapter examines the evolution of Turkish Cypriot opinion during this time period, commenting on the growth of two organizations—Volkan and the Turkish Resistance Organization (TMT). With General Kenneth Darling’s assumption to the role of Director of Operations, the Security Forces were able to resume the offensive again, though they met with less success than Darling contended.

Nikolaou examines the relations between Greek and Turkish Cypriots as portrayed in the Greek-speaking press during the first years of British period (1878–1912). He discusses the dialectical relationship between “identity” and “otherness” applied in the case of Cyprus, by stressing particularly the role that the Greek-speaking press played in this regard. The press is examined as a tool representing and promoting the interests and aspirations of the Greek Cypriot elite, and as an early agent of Greek nationalism in Cyprus. As such, it took a major part in diffusing and cultivating Greek national identity and constructing—simultaneously—an image of the Turks as the “others”.

Kiralp argues that no attempt to reunify Cyprus is likely to achieve its goal until it is supported by both communities. The author examines two different processes that aimed to reunite Cyprus and the two communities on the island. The first process was led by President Makarios during 1968–1974. The second process started in late 1990s and was led in particular by the Turkish Cypriot platform Bu Memleket Bizim. This chapter analyzes the historical and political aspects of the two processes and stresses that both processes failed mainly because they lacked support from the other community.

We investigated the role of certain individual and group processes on intergroup bias in the context of Cyprus, an island that has endured over 40 years of interethnic tension. One hundred and fifty Turkish Cypriots were asked to complete a survey which assessed intergroup contact and intergroup bias toward Greek Cypriots. Political affiliation, ingroup favoritism and intergroup contact played a role in predicting prejudice toward Greek Cypriots. Path analysis showed the relationship between ingroup favoritism and outgroup prejudice was partially mediated by low intergroup contact. The findings highlight the theoretical and practical implications for prejudice reduction techniques in Cyprus.

We investigated the potential for mental imagery to reduce intergroup bias in Cyprus, an island that has suffered from interethnic tension for over 40 years. Seventy-three Turkish Cypriots were asked to imagine a scenario in which they interacted with Greek Cypriots, compared to those imagining an outdoor scene. Subsequently, participants in the imagined contact condition reported more positive outgroup evaluations. Mediational analysis showed this relationship was explained by increased levels of perspective-taking. The findings highlight theoretical and practical possibilities for future imagined contact research.

The novel use of the G8 forum to initiate inter-communal talks in Cyprus is on balance aimed at persuading doubters in the EU that Greek Cypriot membership cannot be delayed by any prospect of a settlement with the Turkish Cypriot side. The significance of the G8 emphasis on UN resolutions and the absence of any promise of international financing of a settlement is discussed. The logic of the Turkish Cypriot demand for statehood in a confederation is set out, noting the absence of detail on the normal purposes of a confederation - common economic or military or diplomatic policies. An alternative route to recognition of Turkish Cypriot self-rule in the context ofTurkey-in-Europe is proposed, a degree of recognition which would end the embargo and undermine the basis of LOIZIDOU claims.

This text is based on research aiming to record the period of negotiations at Mont Pèlerin, Switzerland between the Greek Cypriot and Turkish Cypriot community in November 2016. Articles from three newspapers (Alithia, Politis and Haravgi) were studied, with an emphasis on political coverage regarding the negotiations. The choice of newspapers was based on the fact that they have been around for many decades, they have a different ideological orientation and they have contributed to the modern history of Cyprus. Moreover, they all have a full electronic archive of their issues which makes it easy to access and study the articles.The overarching aim is to understand the efforts to solve the Cyprus problem through the recent negotiations in Switzerland and to examine the positions of the Cypriot press regarding this thorny and crucial issue over which the Republic of Cyprus has been agonising for more than forty years.

Using the most recent wave of European Values Survey (EVS) data, this study explores the correlates of generalized trust by comparing Turkish and Greek communities living on the island of Cyprus. The results suggest that, besides confidence in institutions, there are different determinants of trust for each Cypriot community. In comparing Greek and Turkish Cypriots, the results suggest that being married, being older, having an urban residence, being in better health, and participating more in voluntary organizations are correlated with higher levels of generalized trust among Turkish Cypriots, whereas Greek Cypriots who are natives and who have more life satisfaction have higher levels of generalized trust. This study makes a significant contribution by being the first empirical study to test generalized trust among both communities living in the island of Cyprus.

Purpose The aim of this article is to discuss a pilot study on femicide in Greek-Cypriot and Turkish-Cypriot communities in Cyprus. Methods A quantitative methodology was used to gather data from the police between 2010 and 2016 for the Greek-Cypriot community on women and girls who have been killed and where the perpetrator charged, alleged or convicted is a man. Also, qualitative methodology was used, gathering media reports for both communities between 2010 and 2017. Results Twenty-eight and twelve femicide cases were identified in the Greek and Turkish Cypriot communities respectively. Most of the victims were killed by their husbands or boyfriends often at their home. It seems that masculine viewpoint was dominant in the media representations of these cases. Conclusions Femicide prevention is in its early stages in Cyprus. It seems that a preventative and interventional strategy is needed to reduce the number of women killed by men.

After Turkey had approved formally that Cyprus was under the British rule with the Treaty of Lausanne, some of the Turkish Cypriot population that were accepted as Turkish citizens stayed in the island through British nationality, many Turkish Cypriots had to leave the island but in the later period, the challenges that the Turkish Cypriots experienced continued to increase. When compared with the Greek Cypriots, the challenges that the Turkish Cypriots who were quite backward in political, social and economic terms had were ignorance, poverty, non-organizing problem, and migration. Hocazade Süleyman Şevket, who was among the intellectuals trying to find valid solutions by examining the situation of the Turkish Cypriots, wrote articles about the situation of the Turkish Cypriots in the newspaper, Soz, one of the important newspapers of Cyprus. Süleyman Şevket frequently expressed his anxiety about the future of Turkish Cypriots and he also stated issues such as the inability to unity, ignorance, and poverty that were common among Turks dragged them into disaster and emphasized that these issues could be resolved only by modeling the Turkish Republic and the reform movements. In this study, the issues that the Turkish Cypriots had in education, culture and social life in the post-Lausanne period are discussed based on the article “How are the Turkish Cypriots?” by Süleyman Şevket. In addition, archival documents and other related reports of this period are examined comparatively.ÖzLozan Antlaşması’yla Kıbrıs’ın İngiliz yönetimine geçtiğinin Türkiye tarafından resmen onaylanması üzerine, o güne kadar Türk tebaası olarak kabul edilen Kıbrıslı Türklerden bir kısmı İngiliz uyruğuna geçerek adada kalırken, çok sayıda Kıbrıslı Türk de adadan göç etmek zorunda kalmış, ancak bundan sonraki süreçte, Kıbrıs Türkleri için yaşanan sıkıntılar artarak devam etmiştir. Kıbrıs Rumları ile mukayese edildiğinde; siyasal, toplumsal ve iktisadi bakımdan oldukça geri oldukları gözlenen Kıbrıs Türklerinin yaşadıkların sorunların başında, cehalet, yoksulluk, örgütlenememe sorunu ve göç yer almıştır. Kıbrıs Türklerinin içinde bulundukları durumu inceleyerek, geçerli çözüm yolları bulmaya çalışan aydınlar arasında bulunan Hocazade Süleyman Şevket, Kıbrıs’ın önemli gazetelerinden olan Söz gazetesinde, Kıbrıs Türklerinin durumu ile ilgili yazılar kaleme almıştır. Süleyman Şevket, Kıbrıs Türklerinin geleceğinden duyduğu endişeyi sıklıkla dile getirmiş olup, Türkler arasında yaygın olan; birlik olamama, cehalet ve fakirliğin, onları her geçen gün felakete sürüklemekte olduğunu, bu sorunların, Türkiye Cumhuriyeti ve inkılap hareketlerinin örnek alınarak çözülebileceğini ifade etmiştir. Bu çalışmada, Süleyman Şevket’in, “Kıbrıs Türkleri Ne Halde?” başlıklı yazısından yola çıkılarak, Lozan sonrası dönemde Kıbrıs Türklerinin eğitim, kültür, ekonomik ve sosyal hayatta yaşadıkları sıkıntılar ele alınmıştır. Ayrıca, bu döneme ait arşiv belgeleri ve konu ile ilgili diğer raporlar da mukayeseli olarak incelenmiştir.

For long, the inter-communal conflict between Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriot as well as the invasion and occupation of North Cyprus by Turkey defined the Cyprus Issue/Problem which has affected both the reality and image of Cyprus. The more recent financial crisis has proved to be a mega event that also has the capacity to redefine both the reality and image of Cyprus. This paper aims to address key political and discursive aspects of the financial crisis and their specific expression in Cyprus. A focal point of the analysis is the displacement of the Cyprus Issue by the financial crisis as the dominant factor affecting domestic politics, political rhetoric and international image of the Cyprus Republic. The paper draws together and builds on insights from a number of separate but complementary research projects addressing different facets of the public communication of the financial crisis in Cyprus. The second part provides an account of the unfolding of the financial crisis in Cyprus and so...

Civil society in Cyprus has a key role to play in creating spaces for dialogue and cooperation between the Turkish and Greek Cypriot communities. Recent research by the International NGO Training and Research Centre (INTRAC) has identified how these processes have contributed to trust and peacebuilding on the island, the challenges facing organisations engaged in this work, and how these were being addressed. It demonstrates that important steps are being taken by civil society organisations to overcome prejudices and break down barriers, and that by further developing links with local and international policymakers and institutions, civil society could be a stronger player in the peace process.Renforcement de la societe civile et de la confiance a ChypreLa societe civile chypriote a un role cle a jouer dans la creation d'espaces propices au dialogue et a la cooperation entre les communautes turque et greco-chypriote. Des recherches recemment menees par l'International Training and Research Centre (INTRAC...

The purpose of this paper is to explore the views of young people on conflict, reconciliation and reunification in Cyprus. The paper is based on focus group discussions with 20 Turkish Cypriot and 20 Greek Cypriot young people, aged between 14 and 16, drawn from two schools located in the divided capital city of Nicosia. While young people's discourses revealed underlying deep-seated hostilities in attitudes between the two groups, there was some evidence of cautious optimism. The paper explores what lessons can be learned from ascertaining young people's viewpoints and how these opinions need to be taken seriously in order to further our understanding of young people's experiences of divided societies.

This article examines the ambiguous role played by the Cyprus Police Force during the Greek Cypriot insurgency against Britain between 1955 and 1959. A multiethnic force policing a multiethnic society, the CPF struggled to fulfill its duties. Greek Cypriot officers became ineffective as sympathy for, or fear of insurgents undermined their ability to function. Some collaborated, others resigned. Those who stayed became targets of their own people. Turkish Cypriot officers, recruited in greater numbers to compensate for a reduction in Greek Cypriot officers, worked to enforce the law, but exacerbated intercommunal relations in doing so. In spite of the peculiar conditions present in Cyprus, the case has valuable implications for contemporary policymakers on the vulnerabilities inherent in the use of local police forces to restore law and order in ethnically divided societies.

The purpose of this article is to describe young people's awareness of their parents’ and grandparents’ stories of the events of 1974 in Cyprus and to evaluate the extent to which they perceive teachers as other key figures in their lives endorsing family accounts of history. The article is based on focus group discussions with 20 Turkish Cypriot and 20 Greek Cypriot teenagers from two schools in Cyprus. The article describes how in some cases, young people appropriate these memories as their own, while in other cases, they acknowledge how the passing of time dilutes the significance of past events and allows some young people to envisage a different collective future.

In this article, we: (1) offer a conceptualisation of what it means for Greek Cypriot teachers to be ‘reconciled’ with the ‘other side’ (i.e. Turkish Cypriots) in Cyprus; (2) examine Greek Cypriot teachers' emotional responses to the new educational objective of cultivating peaceful coexistence in schools; and (3) investigate how Greek Cypriot teachers' perceptions of reconciliation and emotional responses to the new educational objective of cultivating peaceful coexistence are entangled, and what implications these entanglements may have for educational reform efforts. This investigation is based on data collected in a national survey of Greek Cypriot primary and secondary teachers. The study is important not only for the Greek Cypriot educational system, but also for educational reform efforts in other conflict-ridden areas in Europe because it addresses a fundamental issue in relation to reconciliation: Can teachers, who may still carry traumatic experiences from a conflict and thus be (potentially) emotionally unready to engage in reconciliation, be convinced to put the past behind and promote peaceful coexistence in schools? The findings highlight the teachers' multiple ambivalences, yet they also identify openings for promoting reconciliation and peaceful coexistence in schools. The implications are discussed in terms of educational policymaking, curriculum development, and teacher training.

The island of Cyprus plays host to one of the world's last enduring armistices. While the resolution of Cyprus's status has plagued UN and EU diplomats for years, much remains misunderstood about the 1974 Turkish invasion of Cyprus and its context. The Greek Cypriots, far from the Greek mainland, had a better chance of holding out than might have first been thought. But errors in strategy gave Turkey the opportunity to build up an irresistible force on the island and set today's de facto internal border.