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Accepting Greek Cypriot administration's (Republic of Cyprus) medical aid by the Turkish Cypriots during COVID-19 pandemic in April 2020 has caused a conflict in North Cyprus print media. During the pandemic, medical aid has been provided by Greek Cypriot administration with the initiatives of the President of the time in North Cyprus, Mustafa Akıncı. The Prime Minister of the time in North Cyprus, Ersin Tatar opposed to this medical aid. This study focuses on the most circulated two North Cyprus newspapers' (Kıbrıs and YeniDüzen) discourse regarding the aid. The medical aid sent by the Greek Cypriot administration (Republic of Cyprus) is important for developing mutual trust and enhances the already existing networks between the two sides in the island. The reactions to this aid are also important due to approaching Presidential elections in North Cyprus since both the President and the Prime Minister were candidates in the elections. The study presents the results of Critical Discourse Analysis conducted for analysing the news stories related to the medical aid under the light of Social Capital Theory put forth by Robert Putnam. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study investigated the linguistic landscape (LL) of Pyla, a bi-communal village in Cyprus. The data collection and analysis were based on the geosemiotics theoretical framework. The researcher created a corpus of visible linguistic signs photographed during the fieldwork with a focus on bottom-up and top-down signs in Pyla. The analysis of the data showed that the overall pattern of Pyla's LL was monolingual, with English playing a prominent role. However, bilingual, and multilingual signs were also present, with English, Greek and Turkish being the dominant language constellation. The LL in Pyla is indicative of its ethnolinguistic vitality as a bi-communal village inhabited by both Greek Cypriot and Turkish Cypriot populations; the LL also reveals the agency of the sign creators and owners regarding the choice of languages and the content of the signs, as well as such processes as internationalisation, commodification and linguistic instrumentalism. The importance of this study stems from its goal to deepen the understanding of linguistic landscape (LL) and multilingualism in Cyprus. It specifically analyses both private and public signage in the mixed village of Pyla, while considering the island's geopolitical division and the role of English as a mediating language in the process of peacebuilding. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The COVID-19 pandemic has hit many regions, including the Eastern Mediterranean. It has profoundly affected Cypriot communities and caused political, economic, and social consequences. The profile article aims to investigate the relationship between the pandemic threat on the island and decisions made by the Greek and Turkish Cypriot administrations. What aspects and to what extent has the pandemic affected relations between the two Cypriot communities? How have these changes influenced the bilateral dialogue and political decisions made by the Greek and Turkish Cypriot administrations? Is the pandemic conducive to developing cooperation, or does it extend existing divisions? The profile article argues a relationship between the emergence of the pandemic and the re-isolation of both Cypriot communities, which is one of its consequences, and the initiatives to resolve the Cypriot conflict by sanctioning the existence of two independent states. Such a change is noticeable, especially in the Turkish Cypriots, owing to the presidential election, the government crisis, and interference by Turkish authorities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses the confrontation between Greeks of Cyprus (GoC) and Turks of Cyprus (ToC) in the Legislative Council of Cyprus regarding the issue of the Enosis (Union) and the changes of content since 1902. The question arises, yet to a limited extent, during the period 1902–1914, given the formal subordination of Cyprus to the Ottoman Empire. From 1915 to 1918, due to the placement of the Ottoman Empire on the side of Britain's opponents and the participation of Greece within the Entente front, the Greek pressure on the British became very intense, while the Turkish were in a defensive position. In the period from 1918 to 1930, the main argument of the ToC was that even Greece no longer raised the issue of Enosis. Finally, in 1931, the GoC raised the issue urgently facing the strong reaction both of the ToC, as well as the British. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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David French's "Fighting EOKA: The British Counter-Insurgency Campaign on Cyprus, 1955-1959" offers a detailed analysis of the conflict between British security forces and the EOKA insurgency in Cyprus, which sought the union of the island with Greece. French's research examines how the security forces attempted to defeat EOKA, drawing on a wealth of comparative knowledge. The book provides insights into EOKA's tactics, finances, and the British response, highlighting the complexities and challenges faced during this period of Cypriot history. French's work is a valuable resource for understanding the dynamics of the EOKA struggle and the broader political context of the time. [Extracted from the article]

This paper offers a historical exploration on how the politics of street naming in Limassol, particularly under the mayoralty of Christodoulos Sozos (1908-1912), mapped the evolution of Greek Cypriot national identity and the increasingly articulated demands for a union with Greece. This process entailed not just the replacement of former English and Ottoman names, but a deliberate selection of names that underscored Cyprus' deep-rooted historical, religious, and national ties with Greece. This initiative, undertaken during the mayoralty of Sozos, arguably represented the first instance where city streets became politically contested spaces, transforming them into cultural arenas for projecting a group's self-image and facilitating the politicization of space. These efforts incited the reaction of the British, who perceived their authority over public space being challenged, and the Turkish Cypriots, who were committed to maintaining the status quo that prevailed under Ottoman rule. More than a mere re-naming process, the act of renaming streets mirrored the city's social dynamics and signalled a silent assertion of power. Street names served not only as living testimonials to the city's history but also as markers of its evolving identity, encapsulating narratives that were both shaped by and reflective of the prevailing socio-political context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article focuses on social work professionals from both sides of divided Cyprus. Cyprus presents a very interesting, yet under-explored, case study as it remains an island de facto divided. The division has resulted in the physical and political separation of the two most populous ethnic communities (Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots) for over 50 years. This article offers an exploration of the views of social workers on both sides. Through a quantitative approach, participants in the study were able to express their thoughts and beliefs on the 'other' and on social work in a post-conflict environment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As is known, the Cyprus Peace Negotiation have been continuing for more than fifty years. For more than forty years, people in Cyprus have been spending a conflict-free and peaceful life. In this study, the fifty-year process of Cyprus Peace Negotiation will be summarized and explained at large within the framework of public policy analysis, analysis phases, policy preparation/implementation methods and the role of institutions in the process. The voting of the 2004 Annan Plan between the Turkish Cypriots and the Greek Cypriots during this process and the effect of the voting outcome on the negotiation process will be discussed. With the opening of the border gates that provided controlled passage to northern and southern Cyprus shortly before the Annan Plan was put to a vote, the effects of the new conditions created by the collective and free contact of two populations on the negotiation process and the future apprehension of Turkish Cypriots will be analysed. Since the study involved theoretical approaches, indirect research method was adopted as a method and domestic and foreign sources were scanned within this framework. In parallel with this method, content analysis technique was used. According to the findings, such multilateral conflicts Generals and 22 UN Special Representative behind, there is the danger of the means to turn into a goal. This possibility should not be ignored and the content of the talks and the subject of negotiation in question must be preoccupied on. It is also cumbersome to maintain the peace and the human duty to endure this hardship. It is only possible to conclude the negotiations by agreeing on the acceptance and ingestion of these facts, and perhaps by agreeing on a number of boundary regulations and similar requirements. This means that all parties agree that the actual situation is the best solution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to answer the pertinent question: What are the implications of ideology on school buildings and the culturally pluralistic context of Gazimağusa in Northern Cyprus? It traces the social and communication qualities of architecture to restructure the architectural identity of schools and the cultural patterns of this city during the British Period (1878–1960). The colonialists relied on education as an ideological tool for perceiving social and economic stability through training a new, educated middle class to replace the existing traditional authorities: Ottoman leaders and Church structures. Their failure to recognize the diverse cultural layers of the context led to unsustainable outcomes. An interpretative case research approach that involved descriptive and historical techniques was utilized to investigate this situation. Ideology had two separate but related consequences in the context chosen at both urban and architectural scales. Resulting in a cultural shift from intrinsic to extrinsic living that contradicts previous cultural alignments of the place. The urban syntax for communal life shifted to exclusivity, and cultural coexistence was divided between Turkish and Greek Cypriots on the one side; on the other, schools copied a globalized character of transformation. Based on contextual perceptions, the study advocates for a creative cultural mix of local and global concepts. The island went through modernization, hosting the two communities under British Colonial Rule who were both struggling with the colonizers on one hand and experiencing ethnic and political clashes on the other; they formed the conditions for a wide variety of school buildings. Within this context, the paper highlights school buildings as an ideological space, symbol, and tool of nationalism and colonization/decolonization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

"Colonial Citizenship and Everyday Transnationalism: An Immigrant's Story" by Alexandria J. Innes is a valuable book that explores the colonial immigrant story of the author's grandfather, who left Cyprus and settled in the UK in 1954. Innes takes an International Relations approach to examine the politics of colonial migration, settlement, and identities. The book provides insights into Cypriot emigrants and immigrant stories in the UK, offering analysis of the author's grandfather's narrative. While the book is well-structured and sophisticated in its analysis, there are some areas where the author could have been more critical and nuanced. Overall, it is an excellent resource for those interested in colonial migrant experiences and Cypriot migration and settlement in the UK. [Extracted from the article]

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This contribution compares the perception of peace of Cypriot youth, who live on the island and in the United Kingdom, and is based on interviews with them. Even though Cyprus has a large diaspora community compared to its population, diaspora studies have been unable to garner attention to the role of the Cypriot diaspora in peacebuilding in their homeland. Ignorance of young people both on the island and in the diaspora has prevented the inclusion of Cypriot youth in politics and peace processes. However, the role and perceptions of young people either in diaspora or on the island are quite important to reach sustainable peace. Youth's readiness for peace and willingness to co-exist would affect the outcome of a process. Accordingly, this contribution of the collection offers a two-part contribution to the literature: first, focusing on the neglected youth dimension in peace and conflict studies, and second, providing a comparative analysis of the Greek and Turkish Cypriot diaspora youth in the diaspora studies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social science research has highlighted "honor" as a central value driving social behavior in Mediterranean societies, which requires individuals to develop and protect a sense of their personal self-worth and their social reputation, through assertiveness, competitiveness, and retaliation in the face of threats. We predicted that members of Mediterranean societies may exhibit a distinctive combination of independent and interdependent social orientation, self-construal, and cognitive style, compared to more commonly studied East Asian and Anglo-Western cultural groups. We compared participants from eight Mediterranean societies (Spain, Italy, Greece, Turkey, Cyprus [Turkish Cypriot and Greek Cypriot communities], Lebanon, Egypt) to participants from East Asian (Korea, Japan) and Anglo-Western (the United Kingdom, the United States) societies, using six implicit social orientation indicators, an eight-dimensional self-construal scale, and four cognitive style indicators. Compared with both East Asian and Anglo-Western samples, samples from Mediterranean societies distinctively emphasized several forms of independence (relative intensity of disengaging [vs. engaging] emotions, happiness based on disengaging [vs. engaging] emotions, dispositional [vs. situational] attribution style, self-construal as different from others, self-directed, self-reliant, self-expressive, and consistent) and interdependence (closeness to in-group [vs. out-group] members, self-construal as connected and committed to close others). Our findings extend previous insights into patterns of cultural orientation beyond commonly examined East–West comparisons to an understudied world region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Cyprus Question, which Türkiye treats as a national cause and which many states attach importance to as an international problem, has so far been an extensively studied topic in the literature with its different dimensions. Within these dimensions, the official Greek Cypriot propaganda carried out during the cleavage among Greek Cypriots in the process leading to the 15 July 1974 coup d'état has not been adequately addressed. This study aims to contribute to the literature by addressing this point. The study examines the new propaganda of the Greek Cypriot leader Archbishop Makarios, who had to change tactics and put the Enosis propaganda in the background in order not to attract the reaction of Türkiye in 1967, and the way this propaganda treated the anti-Makarios armed Greek Cypriot groups that accused their leader as being a "traitor to the national cause". The study benefited from the official archives of Cyprus, United Kingdom and the USA, and the Turkish and Greek Cypriot newspapers of the period, and followed a historical and qualitative document analysis method. The main finding of the study is that Makarios separated the fanatical groups who opposed him from the rest of the Greek Cypriot community by accusing them of "serving partition, not Enosis". Makarios was aware that Türkiye's patience had reached the breaking point due to the violence against Turkish Cypriots during the 1963-1967 period. The continuation of these provocations would push Türkiye to intervene militarily. According to the Greek Cypriot leader, a "reasonable" citizen was the one who did not get impatient for the Enosis and did not provoke Türkiye. Thus, terrorists who did not fit this mold were "unreasonable". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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A main objective of this article is to examine the underlying reasons behind the collapse of the reunification talks on Cyprus aimed at a federal model. Another aim of the article is to analyze Türkiye’s assertive policy in the Eastern Mediterranean. A major argument is that the disruption of the balance of power with respect to the Cyprus problem in favor of the Greek Cypriots after 2004 and the lack of a shared Cypriot identity were fundamental causes of the failure of the talks. The study also contends that the emergence of a siege mentality after the July 2016 coup plot in Türkiye, together with its economic and military strengthening, the rise of multi-polarity in international politics, and diminishing EU political sway in the country, incentivized Türkiye to pursue an active foreign policy agenda in the Eastern Mediterranean. This study concludes that the failure of long-standing negotiations to reach a federal settlement on the island and the comfortable position obtained by the Greek Cypriot Administration (GCA) in the negotiations vis-à-vis the Turkish side following the accession to the EU together with Türkiye’s nationalist posture after 2016 and the deepening of the identity dilemma among the Greek and Turkish Cypriots over the course of time induced Türkiye to shelve a federal solution to the Cyprus issue and return to a pre-2002 two-state solution. The article also concludes that Türkiye was further prompted to take an independent course in the Eastern Mediterranean by the combination of a number of factors: the rapprochement between the AKP Government and nationalist elements in the country after the 2016 coup plot, the militarization of its foreign policy, Türkiye’s perception that the West was in decline, the decreased credibility and thus leverage over Türkiye of EU political conditionality, Brussels’ shortcomings regarding a common security and foreign policy and the rise in Türkiye’s military and economic capabilities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper focuses on Afro-Cypriots, whose ancestors came to the Mediterranean island of Cyprus during the Ottoman period. The paper contributes to extant literature by exploring the impact of colonialism, racism, and slavery by questioning the ways Afro-Cypriots navigate their identities within the particular context of North Cyprus. By de-emphasizing the ethnic division of Turkish and Greek Cypriot identities, this paper focuses on the shifts from double consciousness to developing Afro-Cypriot consciousness. A rich methodology of oral history interview analyses from 20 Black Cypriots and a life-story narrative of a pioneering Black Cypriot expose the communal and familial microaggressions towards darker skin tones. We explore how colonial construction of ethnicity as a master status creates double consciousness for Black Cypriots. The paper concludes with a call against colour prejudice in Cyprus for a positive shift in Afro-Cypriot people's everyday experiences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the extent to which the recent turbulent history of Cyprus is reflected in an emblematic building, the Ledra Palace Hotel. The hotel is situated on Nicosia's buffer zone, the Green Line that, since 1964, has divided the island into Greek Cypriot and Turkish sectors. Since its establishment in 1949 the Ledra Palace has been the background of the country's key historical events. In this paper, the Ledra Palace is analysed as an integral part of Cyprus' cultural heritage which contributes to the understanding and negotiation of the island's difficult past. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Cyprus Government Railway (CGR), which operated between 1905-1951 was constructed during the British Colonial period. Railway heritage is important, since it is part of the common cultural heritage of both Turkish Cypriot and Greek Cypriot communities living on the island. However, division of the island is a challenge to the conservation of the railway heritage. Unfortunately, little effort has been made by the two communities to document, preserve and reuse railway heritage buildings and related structures. The main goal of the paper is to raise the awareness of the railway heritage in Cyprus and to propose strategies to use this common heritage as a tool for reconciliation in a divided island. The method of the study included archive survey conducted to identify original railway buildings and structures. Secondly, field studies were completed in order to record the present day condition of the railway heritage. Lastly, a vision for the future of the shared heritage has been put forward for inter-communal benefit. CGR is a shared heritage of the both the communities. Due to its potential to contribute to the reconciliation of the society, conservation of the railway heritage is crucial in terms of transferring the culture to the next generations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The reproduction of space along the border in post-conflict divided cities is an important issue in relation to urban resilience. Nicosia, widely known as the last divided capital city in Europe, is the capital city of Turkish Cypriots in the north and Greek Cypriots in the south. The Buffer Zone was formalized in 1974 as an emergency measure against inter-communal clashes. Further, the walled city of Nicosia was bisected, and thus urban and social unity became a relic of the past. In addition, the city center became the edge of the two bisected halves. The Nicosia Master Plan (NMP) was initiated by professionals on both sides. Moreover, it was in the first planning attempt that Nicosia was considered as a whole. The NMP was the first self-reliant quest that was developed for the purpose of finding a solution that could operate without having to wait for a political consensus. The Ledra Palace crossing opened in 2003 as the first opening on the border that ran across the United Nations (UN)-controlled Buffer Zone in Nicosia. Such a crossing possessed a symbolic meaning; the two communities feel as if they are socially united, and it encouraged NGOs and artists to step forward and allow the border to be perceived not as a boundary but as a shared space. The Buffer Fringe Festival is one of the recent cultural organizations that was held along the divide of Nicosia and it is also the festival scrutinized in this paper. This festival was designed to explore the boundary as a phenomenon experienced in daily life; furthermore, discussions were had regarding how the Buffer Fringe actors and artists perceived the festival as a peace-making tool. Together with visual and verbal records, the analysis conducted in this paper is based on qualitative data within a theoretical framework concerning body–space connections. In this paper, the aim is to emphasize how festivals can function beyond the limits of borders, provide an arena for connecting people, and exemplifies how one can interpret the spatial transformation of a space within the context of post-conflict divided cities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Rural-vernacular house is shaped in line with the needs of the physical and socio-cultural environment and according to socio-economic factors; inevitably, it is undergoing an accelerated change. From this point of view, this study aims to focus on Cyprus, which is a quite interesting context, and targets to investigate the spatial change of rural-vernacular housing. Accordingly, it first aims to introduce basic housing typologies supported by unique spatial use. Following this, it primarily aims to introduce the basic housing and related space typologies supported by the original spatial use; to determine and discuss to what extent these typologies have changed; and how this change differs regarding to the peculiar characteristics of the basic types. Within the scope of this study, Büyükkonuk Village (Kom-i Kebir), which has sustained the characteristics of rural-vernacular architecture in Cyprus to the present, was chosen for field research. The houses here were built mainly by Turkish and Greek Cypriots. Today, they are used by Turkish Cypriots and Turks that emigrated from Turkey after 1974 who possess Turkish Cypriot citizenship. It is a known fact that, due to changing living conditions and the change in user profile, they are facing serious spatial and functional changes. Within the village dwelling texture, housing units that displayed identifiable changes were selected among the three most common types of Cypriot ruralvernacular residential architecture. In this context, the space syntax analysis method was used, in order to compare the original spatial organization of the 'units without halls' formed by closed spaces around courtyard, 'units with inner halls' and 'units with outer halls' formed by both closed spaces and semi-open spaces around courtyard, with their current changed states. The field study, which includes the determination of the space organization of the selected houses, was supported with observations on site and interviews with the users. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social work practice and training in the context of political and ethnic conflict has seen renewed interest among scholars. Recent research has tried to shift focus away from simplistic interpretations of social work as an unshakably 'benevolent' profession. A recent emphasis on social work's colonial legacies and the structural causes of political violence provide us with important new directions on how to rethink and reshape social work education and practice in these contexts. Cyprus presents a very interesting, yet under-explored, case study as it remains an island de facto divided, along ethnic lines. The division has resulted in the physical and political separation of the two most populous ethnic communities (Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots). United Nations (UN)-sponsored peace talks have gained momentum in recent years. This paper offers the first systematic exploration of the views of social work students across both sides of the divide. Through a mixed-method approach, students were able to express their thoughts and beliefs on 'the other' and on social work in the post-conflict realities. The study confirms the contradictory nature of social work education in Cyprus challenges the futility of nationalism and argues for the importance of bi-communal social work partnerships. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Belgi Dergisi is the property of Pamukkale University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of EUL Journal of Social Sciences / LAÜ Sosyal Bilimler Dergisi is the property of EUL Journal of Social Sciences and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Ataturk Arastirma Merkezi Dergisi is the property of Ataturk Arastirma Merkezi Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article discusses the possibility of developing an understanding of the concept of authenticity through the understanding of authenticity in architectural terms, specifically religious heritage buildings in areas of political conflict. Although authenticity has been a continuous subject of debate in the field of heritage studies, however, we argue that difficulties in coming to terms with its application in areas of conflict are still persistent. The study uses the case study of the Agios Synesios Church in North Cyprus, built around the Twelfth century, and is still in use by the Greek Cypriot minorities who continued to live on the island following its division in 1974 and the forced displacement of both Turkish and Greek Cypriot communities to either part of the island. Based on observation of the church and its surrounding context, the research shows that coming to terms with authenticity is problematic for the church since the prolongation of the Greek Cypriot way of life has been compromised due to political fluctuations. The argument suggests that once the authenticity of a religious building is assessed as a heritage asset, a flexible concept of authenticity is essential to consider in areas of political conflicts especially when its original context no longer exists. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Taking the normative position that violent conflict is not desirable, I Iconoclastic Controversies i advocates the necessity of transforming antagonistic conflicts into agonistic conflicts through the redefinition of the enemy into an adversary. Acknowledging that commemoration sites and activities are aligned with various discourses, Carpentier focuses on one particular discourse, that of antagonistic nationalism. The eastern Mediterranean island of Cyprus, divided by a 220-km long de facto border, called the Green Line, has often captured the international headlines with the bi-communal confrontations and military operations throughout most of the twentieth century. [Extracted from the article]

This article concentrates on the work of artists who identify as queer in Cyprus, a place marked by colonialism, rival nationalisms and ethno-political division. More specifically, it examines the ways their work disrupts confining perceptions of nationhood, gender and sexuality that suppress difference and delimit identity in a conflict-ridden, ethnically divided society. These ideas are discussed in relation to the examples of Krista Papista, a Greek Cypriot visual artist, musician and performer, and Hasan Aksaygın, a Turkish Cypriot artist, whose work encompasses elements of painting, performance and installation. As I argue in this article, by calling forth interpretations of “queer” that go beyond the term’s common application as an adjective or a noun, these artists employ tactics of queer use. In so doing, they inscribe queer life and experiences into landscapes, traditions and symbols, as in “over” the soil, used here as a metaphor to point to those elements that are commonly invoked in delineating the physical and imaginary topos of the nation from which people identifying as queer are often excluded as non-conforming others. As such, they make space for an alternative topos to emerge, where expanded notions of gender, identity and belonging are cultivated away from established stereotypes and divisive, nationalist narratives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Mediterranean island of Cyprus, the last divided country in Europe, faced a grave risk of plunging into war in September 2011. The reason behind this danger was represented as the confrontation over the excavation of hydrocarbon reserves found in the Eastern Mediterranean Sea. The main goal of this article is to explore the extent to which peace journalism was practiced, or not, by analysing the front-page stories of the prominent Turkish Cypriot and Greek Cypriot newspapers about this conflict. A review of peace journalism research reveals that researchers have mainly focused on war reporting. In order to address this deficit in peace journalism research, this article focuses on a case study where there was a risk for military confrontation. The combined sample drawn from six newspapers in the respective communities indicates a strong preference towards war journalism. As the analysis further shows, the newspapers from both sides failed to discuss peaceful solutions to the hydrocarbons conflict and they also failed to discuss the negative repercussions of a possible war related to the hydrocarbons conflict. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Cyprus was conquered by the Ottoman in 1570 and from this time to 1878, until the Ottoman administration ended, it had two societies and two identities: Turkish Cypriots and Greek Cypriots. This social and cultural structure of the island was maintained under the British rule (1878-1960). Although above mentioned structure did not cause an important social problem during the Ottoman period, by the 19th century onwards in modern times, two main societies of Cyprus, Turks and Greeks, began to separate from each other through their national identities. While Turkish Cypriots followed Turkey as language, religion, culture and education, Greece was taken as model by Greek Cypriots. This attitude continued even when the Ottoman Empire was destroyed and the Republic of Turkey was established. Turkish Cypriots accepted the national and cultural experiences in Turkey, supported the Turkish Army fighting to Greece and other western powers and adopted new ideals and reforms of the Turkish Republic. When Turkish National Anthem was approved by the Grand National Assembly of Turkey on 12 March 1921, it was published in İrşad the journal, shortly afterwards. From this date onwards the Turkish National Anthem was the national anthem for the Turkish Cypriots. When the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus was proclaimed in 1983, a search for a new anthem was started and a march competition was held. As for today, the Turkish National Anthem is the national anthem both in Turkey and Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus. This research seeks to explore the developments depending on the press and archive documents. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Cyprus has been divided since 1974 and the many summit negotiations have not brought any success. This paper shows that in the civil society, are growing initiatives, both Greek Cypriot and Turkish, in favour of a rapprochement between the communities. These are already ancient efforts that have been increasing since the beginning of the 2000’s. The obstacles are numerous, drawn up by both sides nationalists, a one-sided and prejudiced history teaching, the influence of the Greek and Turkish governments, family memories, etc. Yet, even if their effect on politics is thin, each of these initiatives, often supported by international or European institutions, NGOs, foreign universities, trade unionists, journalists, feminists and Cypriot historians, leaves some seeds that help to make slowly evolve mentalities.

This paper examines the transformation of the Cypriot conflict through its relocation in the London diaspora. It juxtaposes the newly recomposed and intangible border in the diaspora to the physical one in Cyprus, showing how the two connect and interact. It recalls the historical transformations of the London Cypriot diaspora to explain the appearance of the border between Greek and Turkish Cypriots after the 1974 war and division of Cyprus. It deconstructs the idea of a massive Greek Cypriot refugee influx to the UK and shows how Cypriot refugees who were forced to make a temporary stay permanent, with no prospect of return, transformed and reinvented the diaspora and its power relations. It explores those transformations through the analysis of the political transnational engagements of three Cypriots in the diaspora. This work then shows how this recomposed and intangible border connects with, interacts with and impacts the physical border in Cyprus.

In post-conflict and segregated societies, overcoming high prejudice between groups is essential for peaceful coexistence. In this paper, we explore the roles of direct contact (face-to-face contact and cross-group friendship) and indirect contact (extended cross-group friendship) in reducing prejudice between Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots living in Cyprus. Moreover, this study further explores whether the effects of direct and indirect contact vary between Turkish Cypriots and Greek Cypriots, as well as across a ten-year period. To explore these issues, we analyze data from different representative samples of Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots at two different time points (years 2007 and 2017). The results suggest that all three forms of contact have significant effects on prejudice. However, they also exhibit some variations by community (but not year of data collection) in the effects of direct (but not indirect) contact on prejudice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article attempts to add to the limited yet very informative knowledge regarding the period 1959-1960 and fill a gap in modern Cypriot historiography. It sheds light on the role played by Halkın Sesi in the establishment of the bicommunal republic. Besides, it focuses on the interaction of the Turkish Cypriot newspaper with the other local media of the period. The article discusses the positive aspects and the complications which emerged during the transitional period. Furthermore, it summarises the attitude of the local newspapers towards the power-sharing project, the role of the economic factors, the overshadowing the basic constitutional principles, and the emergence of segregate electoral democracies during the establishment of the shortlived bicommunal Cyprus Republic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One of the major challenges in divided societies is finding ways to overcome geographical partition by increasing readiness for cohabitation in mixed areas. Cyprus has faced a protracted situation of division (between Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots) for the last 44 years. In this paper, we explore the role of intergroup contact (both quantity and quality of contact) in enhancing the willingness of members of these two communities to reestablish cohabitation, using representative survey samples from both communities. We hypothesize that such an effect is mediated by a decrease in the levels of prejudice between the two communities and an increase in the levels of trust. In addition, we hypothesize that the direct effect of intergroup contact and the indirect effect of intergroup contact through trust and prejudice are both moderated by age. To explore these hypotheses, we collected data from a representative sample of 502 Greek Cypriots and 504 Turkish Cypriots. The hypotheses are tested among the Greek Cypriot and Turkish Cypriot samples separately. In both samples, the results show that the positive effect of intergroup contact on willingness for renewed cohabitation is mediated by both trust and prejudice. There is also some support for the moderating effect of age for both the direct and indirect effects of intergroup contact. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Aims and Objectives/Purpose/Research Questions: After years of conflict, struggle and separation, the partial opening of the Green Line that divides Cyprus made mutual transitions and contact between the Turkish and Greek Cypriots possible. Soon after, Greek and Turkish language courses started to attract interest and gained popularity. This study aims to identify the motivations that led both community members to learn the language of 'the other community' and discover their attitudes towards each other and the target language. Design/Methodology/Approach: A questionnaire that includes motivation and attitude scales and subscales on a five-point Likert-type scale was prepared both in Turkish and English. It was distributed to the Turkish and Greek Cypriots who were attending evening classes at that time. The study employed a quantitative approach. Data and Analysis: Statistical analysis was performed with the SPSS 18 statistical package. Frequency analysis and independent samples t-tests were applied. Results/Conclusions: Both community members have intrinsic motivation to continue the language classes. The participants express their enjoyment of the feeling of accomplishment that comes with learning to speak another language successfully in this regard. The Greek Cypriots are driven by their integrative motivation as they illustrate their wish to feel closer to the Turkish Cypriots and communicate with them. In terms of language attitudes, the Turkish Cypriots tend to exhibit more positive attitudes, mostly due to economic reasons. However, the fact that the Greek Cypriots do not cross the border seems to reveal their negative attitudes towards the Turkish Cypriots. Overall, the members of both communities are hesitant to express their opinions about each other. Originality and Significance/Implications: This study provides the evidence that despite having a cautious stance towards the other community, various motivational factors encourage Turkish and Greek Cypriots to take language classes. The study emphasizes that more steps should be taken both at social and political levels to bring the members of the two Cypriot communities closer, to enable language contact, and to smooth out the sceptic attitudes about each other. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]