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This study attempts to analyse Turkey's contribution to the United Nations (UN) system in comparison with those of the Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa (BRICS) countries between 2008 and 2014 on three levels: personnel, financial, ideational. Employing an integrated methodology of a global governance contribution index (GGCI) and statistical analysis of complementary raw data, this study empirically reveals the degree to which Turkey was able to transfer its capabilities into an effective contribution to the UN system on the three levels. Drawing on the findings of its quantitative analysis, this paper further qualitatively assesses the reasons behind the gap between Turkey's global governance motivations and its contribution to the UN system. In doing so, this study, first, deals with the main motivational drivers of its activism in global governance in the 2000s. After unpacking its integrated methodology, the second part of this study quantitatively compares Turkey's contribution to the UN system to that of the BRICS. The third part of this study delves into the main trends and deficiencies in Turkey's contribution to the UN system. Finally, this study concludes that Turkey, despite its high motivations for activism in global governance, has not performed well in transferring its capacities into contributions to the UN system, particularly on financial and personnel levels. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As political authority shifts to the global level, non-governmental organisations (NGOs) increasingly attempt to influence policy-making within international organisations (IOs). This article examines the nature and sources of non-governmental organisations' advocacy strategies in global governance. We advance a twofold theoretical argument. First, non-governmental organisation advocacy can be described in terms of inside and outside strategies, similar to interest group lobbying in American and European politics. Second, non-governmental organisations' chosen combination of inside and outside strategies can be explained by their organisational goals and membership base. Empirically, this argument is corroborated through a large-n analysis of original data from structured interviews with 303 non-governmental organisation representatives active in relation to the United Nations (UN), complemented by 19 semi-structured interviews with UN and state officials. The article's findings have implications for the theory and practice of non-governmental organisation involvement in global governance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the social aspects of what the author refers to as the North Atlantic Treaty Organization's (NATO's) open door membership policy as of 2016, and it mentions the implications of NATO's decision to accept Poland, Hungary, and the Czech Republic into the organization. Global alliances are addressed, along with the history of NATO and concerns about who is allowed to join NATO and when should the organization stop admitting additional members. The Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe is examined, along with the potential inclusion of Russia and Ukraine in NATO.

This paper offers an empirical objection against the arguments used by brazilian's diplomacy requesting a permanent seat in the Security Council. The reasons presented to support the demand are just normative ones. It is presented a rather different way to achieve the brazilian's foreign "main objective": to change Security Council. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the feasibility of achieving the World Trade Organization's stated aspiration of achieving universal membership. The article first examines the requirements for accession, and argues that the commonly-used definition of universal membership - accession to the WTO by all members of the United Nations - is too narrow having regard to the accession provisions of the relevant WTO Agreements. A broader interpretation of the concept of universal accession reveals the true extent of the 'accession issue' by showing the number of accessions that may be negotiated in future. The article then considers the potential for truly universal membership of the WTO, and the obstacles to that being achieved. This broader potential membership includes a very high proportion of less- and least developed countries, micro-states, and transitional economies, all of which face particular accession challenges that are examined in the final part of the article. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]