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The Russian invasion of Ukraine has generated the largest crisis of displaced persons since the Second World War. In order to respond to the protection needs of these people, the EU activated the application of Temporary Protection, which has made it possible to guarantee rights such as access to work, education, health, shelter and maintenance to these people in a short period of time. Spain has been one of the main receiving countries and has implemented temporary protection in a more effective way. Parallel to the temporary application, the EU has been updating its common migration and asylum policy with the approval of the European Pact on Migration and Asylum. This pact has not included the good practices developed during the implementation of temporary protection, focusing on border control. Spain should maintain the positive aspects that have been developed in the application of temporary protection in the elaboration of the national plan for the implementation of the Pact. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista UNISCI is the property of Unidad de Investigaciones Sobre Seguridad y Cooperacion International (UNISCI) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista UNISCI is the property of Unidad de Investigaciones Sobre Seguridad y Cooperacion International (UNISCI) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista UNISCI is the property of Unidad de Investigaciones Sobre Seguridad y Cooperacion International (UNISCI) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Gestão & Tecnologia is the property of Revista Gestao & Tecnologia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This commentary calls for a more critical relationship with human rights NGOs, specifically, Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch. I argue that their politics, positionality, and power are often obscured by their conflation as intrinsically imperfect organizations that yield power and influence with the moral principles of human rights and with international human rights law itself, which are popularly perceived as unimpeachable and sacred in a secular ethical way. I contend that this conflation—often a deliberate and strategic one espoused by the organizations themselves—undermines the integrity of their work and the capacity to hold them accountable for their human rights advocacy. I illustrate ways in which both organizations have neglected to respect human rights and, specifically, principles of equality and universality. I further argue that both organizations need to be humbler and more honest about the moral, legal, and practical limitations of their work and ways in which it can be compromised. This is due to the exigencies of donor dependency and the politics of fundraising, the social, cultural, and political contexts in which the organizations operate and the expectations and demands of their supporters, and the nature of human rights as a movement, body of law, and expression of moral idealism that can sometimes obscure its prejudices, assumptions, and pathologies of power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) Summit (2023) in virtual format only exposed the growing disconnect between India and the members of this multilateral framework. Given the precarious state of India's relations with its immediate neighbors, China and Pakistan, and the growing camaraderie between Beijing and Moscow, this article examines the reasons behind New Delhi's continued need to engage with this multilateral framework. While India seeks to use the SCO as a "bridge" to improve its ties with Central Asian nations and act as a "check and balance" within the organization, Beijing's ascendancy as the "primary" external actor in the Af‐Pak and Central Asia region has meant that India's ability to gain advantages from its association with the SCO will be severely limited. As the protracted war in Ukraine continues unabated, India's attempts to find a "middle ground" between competing interests and principles will be put to the test. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista de Direito Internacional is the property of Revista de Direito Internacional and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This forum focuses on the overlooked areas of the moment surrounding the nature and progression of Russia's invasion of Ukraine in 2022. It brings together scholars of different disciplines, backgrounds, and locations to provide analyses of the Russian aggression from varying perspectives such as history, law, military studies, politics, and media and communications, to name a few, encouraging the authors to focus on intricacies to deliver a deeper analysis of the invasion. Each author offers a unique take on the analyses of the past and present. The forum has two aims. First, the collection raises the question "What did we miss?" and it aims to highlight the lack of attention by Western scholars to Russian perceptions of Western threats and the concerns of former Soviet countries regarding Russia's aggressive foreign policy. Second, the forum intends to start a conversation on different non-Western perspectives of thinking about the Russian invasion. The forum covers the events of the period from the beginning of the invasion up to July 2022, with some post-revision comments in the introduction and conclusion mentioning the events up to February 2023. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Due to the rapid development of technologies, the study of the problem of the implementation of online education acquires special importance. In Ukraine, this process is accompanied by separate challenges and opportunities that require detailed analysis. The main goal of the study is to study the prospects and problems of the development of online education in Ukraine through the analysis of qualitative and quantitative data collected from literary sources and surveys of participants. Therefore, the study uses a mixed approach to studying the problem. The date range of literature selection: from 2018 to 2024, including some works from 2015. The survey was conducted from January 2024 to May 2024 among 77 participants: 45 students and 32 teachers from various educational institutions of Ukraine. Therefore, the analysis showed that the implementation of the online system faces challenges, in particular, infrastructure problems, technical difficulties and energy interruptions are noticeable. Also, based on the survey, students noted a low level of motivation. The conclusions emphasize the importance of implementing innovative solutions in the online education support environment and offer various recommendations for further steps in the system of improving this approach. Thus, the study contains an important practical component for the development of the following mechanisms for improving the quality of online education in Ukraine. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In February 2022, the so-called Special Military Operation launched by Vladimir Putin activated the conflict between Russia and Ukraine. This article seeks to answer why the conflict between Russia and Ukraine can be configured as a fifth-generation war. The research found that the confrontation between Russia and Ukraine can be categorized as a fifth-generation war because the fighting is taking place in cities, which are categorized as the military, political and economic centers of gravity. Furthermore, the confrontation, despite taking place on the traditional plane of warfare, has also involved the fifth domain of warfare, cyberspace, and finally, the involvement of private military companies in the conflict was identified. In this respect, the qualitative methodological approach allows us to analyses the characteristics of fifth generation warfare in the light of an international case study. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Tropelías: Revista de Teoría de la Literatura y Literatura Comparada is the property of Prensas Universitarias de Zaragoza and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Cuadernos Europeos de Deusto is the property of Universidad de Deusto and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Cuadernos Europeos de Deusto is the property of Universidad de Deusto and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The former commander of the Royal Air Force Air Marshal Greg Bagwell(6) and scholar Jade McGlynn(7) both raise a concern that Russian Federation is using air bombing as a tactic to terrorise the civilian population(8). Ukrainian authorities are currently investigating over 122 000 suspected war crimes including attacks on civilian objects(9). The United Nations Special Rapporteur on Extrajudicial, Summary, or Arbitrary Executions Morris Tidball-Binz after concluding a visit to Ukraine on the 31st of May 2024 acknowledged the importance of prosecuting of war crimes (10). However, the Special Rapporteur did not explicitly mention the issue of whether the Russian troops were potentially using air bombings to terrorise the civilians. This article will discuss whether civil society organisations, international organisations and state authorities can use artificial intelligence technology to help them to evaluate whether the armed forces used air bombings to terrorise the civilian population. It will use Ukraine as a case study. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Analyses de Population & Avenir is the property of Population & Avenir and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Journalistic routines in the current context of information overload and communicative complexity have resulted in an excessive workload for media professionals. This issue is particularly critical in wartime situations, where the conflicting parties contribute to the problem by disseminating biased information and hoaxes within the official communication under the pretext of safeguarding their military and strategic interests. Safeguarding against disinformation and fake news has become a priority in media newsrooms. This article explores how journalists at the Spanish broadcasters À Punt and Tele 5 address the problem of news coverage concerning the wars in Ukraine and Gaza. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since Lasswell, propaganda has been considered one of three chief implements of warfare, along with military and economic pressure. Russia's invasion of Ukraine revives public and scholarly interest in war propaganda. The Russian political leader frames the war as an imperial war. The Ukrainian political leader frames it as a war of national liberation. The discursive battle thus complements the military combat. The outcome of the discursive combat depends on the effectiveness of propaganda deployed by the parties involved. Propaganda effectiveness is the propagation of war-related messages stated by political leaders through various media with no or few distortions. The effectiveness of propaganda is compared (1) across countries, with a particular focus on two belligerents, Russia and Ukraine, (2) in the function of the medium (mass media, digital media), and (iii) using two different methods (content analysis and survey research). Data were collected during the first year of the large-scale invasion (February 2022 to February 2023). Survey data allowed measuring the degree of the target audience's agreement with key propagated messages. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of the study is to analyze the Ukrainian experience of the introduction of innovative, information digital technologies in the educational process of elementary school in the conditions of Russia's large-scale military invasion. The study was conducted based on an experiment in which it was possible to prove the effectiveness of the use of innovative, information, digital technologies in the use in the elementary school. The results substantiated the benefits of using these technologies under martial law. It was proved that the productivity of learning in the experimental group increased by 15%, that is, thanks to the measurements of assessments it was possible to confirm the effectiveness of the appeal to innovative teaching methods. The conclusions note that the formation of these skills as the Russian invasion continues will be a relevant problem for future research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

El medio ambiente y su protección suponen un reto mundial para el que, además, la Unión Europea precisa de herramientas que permitan realizar una eficaz gestión, tendente a alcanzar un objetivo delineado hace ya décadas, y que encuentra su punto de conexión con iniciativas más genéricas como One Health o Global Health, dimensionadas en el Plan de Acción de la Unión Europea: Contaminación cero para el aire, el agua y el suelo (adoptado en 2021). Teniendo presente esta línea de actuación, varias de las contribuciones de este número se centran en temas cruciales de actualidad y de gran preocupación para la Unión Europea. El reto que suponen los conflictos armados, también para el medio ambiente, se pone de relieve en el caso paradigmático que se vive en Ucrania, tras los acontecimientos acontecidos desde febrero de 2022, con la invasión por parte de Rusia. Las consecuencias de dicha guerra se han hecho patentes en la Unión Europea, prácticamente en todos los ámbitos, de los que no escapan la seguridad, la energía y también el medio ambiente, conformando un eje de materias conexas indisolublemente unidas. También, al hilo de los cambios necesarios que los objetivos a medio-largo plazo pretenden alcanzarse en la Unión Europea, la necesaria reevaluación y modernización de Directivas relacionadas con el medio ambiente es una realidad. El caso test de la regulación de la calidad de las aguas de baño en la Unión Europea constituye un ejemplo, que por nimio que pudiera parecer, alcanza enormes dimensiones de importancia económica y de salud, en este contexto regional europeo. Con el Convenio de Aarhus (sobre acceso a la información, participación del público en la toma de decisiones y acceso a la justicia en materia de medio ambiente) como telón de fondo y la idea de justicia climática, el rol de la Unión Europea en este escenario será igualmente objeto de atención. Todo ello, al hilo del Proyecto de Investigación MESESA, del que es Investigadora Principal la persona que suscribe estas líneas, resultado de las contribuciones de algunos de sus miembros y que conforman, entre otros trabajos, el presente volumen de Cuadernos Europeos.

Aunque la política medioambiental de la Unión Europea se consagrase en los tratados hace décadas, no ha sido hasta los últimos años en que la Unión Europea ha afrontado con seriedad y logros esta materia, constituyéndose en verdadero baluarte de la protección del medio ambiente, incluido el cambio climático. El medio ambiente está indisolublemente asociado a la cuestión de seguridad nacional e internacional. Esto ha sido ejemplificado con el conflicto bélico entre Rusia y Ucrania de 2021. También ha supuesto una serie de amenazas y oportunidades a la seguridad medioambiental y energética europea y ha evidenciado su impacto en la acción exterior de la Unión. Este trabajo analiza dichas amenazas y las repuestas ofrecidas para reflexionar sobre el verdadero efecto del conflicto en la Unión Europea. Recibido: 06 mayo 2024 Aceptado: 06 junio 2024

En el presente artículo se pretende mostrar cómo se ha llevado a cabo el conflicto ruso-ucraniano por el Donbass, centrándose en los eventos que partieron en febrero del año 2022, con la consideración de que la problemática tiene sus raíces en el golpe de Estado de 2014 contra Víktor Yanukóvich. La cuestión es que la actual crisis política y militar se atribuye a Rusia, cuando el occidente colectivo sentó las bases y hoy alimenta la maquinaria de guerra impidiendo a Kiev optar por entablar negociaciones de paz con Moscú, lo que demuestra que el campo de batalla está definiendo las bases de un nuevo orden mundial y un mundo multipolar.

Históricamente, la Unión Europea ha constituido un gran apoyo para la Corte Penal Internacional (CPI), tanto en su nacimiento, como en la integridad de su instrumento constitutivo (el Estatuto de Roma), así como en el desarrollo de sus funciones. Sin embargo, la agresión de la Federación Rusa a Ucrania ha propiciado el cumplimiento de un nuevo papel de la Unión Europea en su relación con la CPI y en la lucha contra la impunidad de los crímenes internacionales más graves cometidos en dicho conflicto. En este sentido, está siendo decisiva la actuación de Eurojust como centro de armonización de los esfuerzos investigadores en relación con los crímenes cometidos en Ucrania. Igualmente, la puesta en marcha de otros mecanismos novedosos por parte de la Unión Europea (un Equipo Conjunto de Investigación, una Base de Datos de Pruebas de Crímenes Internacionales de Especial Gravedad y un Centro Internacional para el enjuiciamiento del crimen de Agresión) revelan la consolidación de un rol inédito de la UE en la lucha contra la impunidad.

La directiva de protección temporal constituye uno de los instrumentos jurídicos más controvertidos y debatidos del acervo comunitario. A pesar de los múltiples desplazamientos masivos vividos en Europa en las últimas dos décadas, la directiva es activada por primera vez el 4 de marzo de 2022, tras la invasión rusa de Ucrania, representado un acuerdo histórico y un hito de solidaridad que ya ha servido para ofrecer protección temporal a más de 4,15 millones de ciudadanos extracomunitarios. El principal objetivo del presente trabajo radica en el estudio de la activación de este mecanismo en el marco de la diplomacia migratoria de la UE, analizando los motivos que han podido conducir a su inmediata implementación y los elementos de la actual gestión de situaciones de afluencia masiva en la política migratoria, de asilo y fronteriza de la Unión.

Copyright of Boletín Económico de ICE is the property of S.G.E.E.I.P.C., Secretaria de Estado de Comercio, Ministerio de Industria, Comercio y Turismo and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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Copyright of Investigaciones Historicas is the property of Universidad de Valladolid, Facultad de Filosofia y Letras and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Introduction: from the year 2019, the country has experienced a series of cyber incidents affecting its key areas of infrastructure such as energy, finance, communication, government, healthcare, and technology. Objective: to define and explain the contemporary threats in the sphere of cyber security, as well as the geopolitical aspect of external interference in Ukraine’s information space for the years 2019-2024. Method: sources used to gather data for this research were government and cybersecurity firm reports, academic articles, news articles from reliable media houses, and social media listening tools. Quantitative data collected by statistical tools analyzed the trend as well as the intensity of cyber threats. They also included specific case exhibits as well as interviews with the experts to get more information. Results: the study indicated that there will be improved and more frequent attacks and that these will be more complex from 2019 to 2024 in Ukraine. It caused moderate disruption to the key sectors but the disruptions were especially noticed in sectors such as energy, finance, communication, government, healthcare, and technology. Conflict events in Donbas, the COVID-19 outbreak, the enhancement of military tensions, and the start of the Russian invasion of Ukraine in February 2022 were associated with increases in the level of cyber efforts. Conclusion: the conclusion points out that Ukraine needs effective international cooperation, the highest level of technological protection, and profound geopolitical analysis to safeguard cyberspace and prevent conflicts in Eastern Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the relationship between the North Atlantic Treaty Organization with Japan and South Korea. NATO's presence has generally been limited to Europe and the North Atlantic but has remained constant since the conflicts in Iraq and Syria (2001-current), however due to Russia's invasion of Ukraine (2022), the Organization after more than twenty-five years has again a conflict near its members. In this sense, given the size of Russia, the perception of threat has not only been limited to Europe, since in Asia, Russia's invasion has raised alarm in China's neighbours, particularly South Korea and Japan, since the success of Russia could increase China's assertiveness. NATO did not consider China a concern until 2022, (Domínguez, 2023) so the role of Tokyo and Seoul as diplomatic and military allies is very important. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of the article is to empirically test the effectiveness of the model of teaching with rotating stations in a mixed format on the basis of a survey conducted among teachers of higher education institutions in Ukraine. The study uses a mixed-methodology approach to collect qualitative and quantitative data from 65 teachers during the first semester of the 2023-2024 academic year. The main instruments are questionnaires and interviews among teachers who have used the Station Rotation Model. The responses were processed using descriptive statistics and comparative analysis to identify any significant differences in the results. The results emphasise the need for careful selection of a platform for distance learning and the acquisition of skills in creating e-resources. The results of the study provide practical recommendations for the implementation of the model in the Ukrainian higher education context. This is important for Ukrainian higher education institutions looking for optimal methods of blended learning. The findings of the study highlight the positive attitude of teachers to the proposed model, which promotes the individualisation of learning and development of digital competence. However, implementation requires additional time and advanced digital skills of teachers. The average score of the model's effectiveness (approximately 4.046) and the percentage distribution in scores 4 (47.69%) and 5 (30.77%) indicate a high level of acceptance of this approach by modern teachers. The recommendations are based on the individual experience of teachers, indicating the variability in the choice of the optimal means of communication with students. The study contributes to the understanding of the effectiveness of the blended learning model and will help to optimise its wider implementation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista UNISCI is the property of Unidad de Investigaciones Sobre Seguridad y Cooperacion International (UNISCI) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista UNISCI is the property of Unidad de Investigaciones Sobre Seguridad y Cooperacion International (UNISCI) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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Copyright of Lex Humana is the property of Lex Humana and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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En febrero de 2022, en la denominada Operación Militar Especial lanzada por Vladimir Putin se activó el conflicto entre Rusia y Ucrania. Este artículo busca analizar por qué el conflicto entre Rusia y Ucrania se puede configurar como una guerra de quinta generación. De esta manera, la investigación arrojó que dicha confrontación se puede catalogar como una guerra de quinta generación porque los enfrentamientos se han realizado en las ciudades, que son clasificadas como centros de gravedad militares, políticos y económicos. Así mismo, la confrontación, pese a realizarse en el plano tradicional de la guerra, también se ha desarrollado en su quinto dominio, el ciberespacio, y, finalmente, se identificó la participación de las compañías militares privadas de seguridad en el conflicto. Al respecto, el enfoque metodológico cualitativo permite analizar las características de las guerras de quinta generación a la luz de un estudio de caso internacional.

En este artículo se estudia cuál es el papel que está jugando el patrimonio cultural en la guerra de Ucrania y se identifica algunas de sus amenazas y vulnerabilidades para poder establecer, de este modo, un contexto de riesgo. A lo largo del mismo se podrá comprobar que, lejos de considerarse la destrucción del patrimonio como “un daño colateral”, el patrimonio cultural en esta guerra es un objetivo de guerra, dado el valor simbólico que le atribuye el Kremlin al patrimonio de Ucrania. De esta manera, su destrucción puede ser explotada por el ejército invasor como parte de una estrategia híbrida de coerción, dominación y desestabilización a la vez que las comunidades damnificadas lo perciben como una aniquilación conducente a minar y eliminar su identidad cultural.

O ensaio propõe discutir a mediação técnica por meio de dispositivos móveis, em particular celulares, e seu impacto na comunicação de jovens militares dentro das trincheiras da guerra na Ucrânia. Tal mediação por smartphones e novas mídias formam um contexto ímpar para pensar a auto exposição a partir de um cenário de vigilância já distópico, porém agravado pelas condições de sobrevivência. Explora-se a oposição humano/tecnológico, incluindo críticas à objetividade científica e, assim, introduz o conceito de ciborgue conforme Haraway (2016). Destaca-se a contribuição crítica Haraway aos imaginários sociotécnicos que buscam se opor às dicotomias e binarismos que predominam na epistemologia ocidental. O ensaio propõe uma nova ontologia humana que abarque as contradições próprias do ser humano, em contraposição aos purismos do renascimento cristão e demais promessas da civilização moderna.

RESUMO Este artigo parte do discurso e artigo de Vladimir que questionam, com argumentos históricos, a viabilidade nacional e estatal independente da Ucrânia e dos ucranianos. Pelo lado político, isso permite que se aproprie da cultura historiográfica russa para construir relações entre Rússia e Ucrânia que, em última instância, visam a garantir o direito à guerra e à posse territorial. No artigo, isso servirá de base para uma análise comparativa de algumas das principais narrativas historiográficas tanto da Rússia quanto da Ucrânia sobre o assunto. Especial importância será dada à obra do clássico historiador ucraniano Mykhailo Hrushevsky, principal esteio da narrativa nacional daquele país em termos de sua afirmação como nação independente. Na conclusão será apresentada uma proposta teórica provisória de tentativa de síntese das teorias modernista e perenialista sobre o fenômeno do nacionalismo a partir do caso ucraniano.

Natopolitanism es una colección de 22 ítems —3 fuentes primarias y 19 artículos—, además de una introducción y una conclusión. La mayoría de los artículos provienen de la New Left Review y su blog Sidecar, pero también de otras revistas académicas como Foreign Affairs, así como de revistas no académicas como Le Monde Diplomatique y The Guardian. Dado que la mayoría de los documentos sobre los eventos que llevaron a la guerra actual en Ucrania siguen siendo clasificados, los artículos caminan por la delgada línea existente entre la investigación académica y el análisis político contemporáneo, la mayoría de ellos con éxito.

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