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European citizens continue to engage in solidarity activities in support of vulnerable groups within and beyond their own countries. Many of these organised practices of transnational solidarity provide research with important insights into the features and conditions of organisational forms of support. This article makes use of a unique dataset of transnational solidarity organisations in eight European countries during a period of economic recession and immigration crisis, and aims to empirically describe the different forms and types of solidarity prevalent within three different organisational sectors. It strives to identify the organisational features explaining the elective affinities between organisational forms and solidarity approaches. The empirical analysis validates that organisational traits and types matter when favouring vertical and/or horizontal forms of support towards vulnerable groups. Findings corroborate the relevance of professionalisation, aims, and values, in addition to action repertoires to explain organisational profiles and collective approaches to solidarity-based practices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Solidarity with the deprived is a mission that many civic organisations share throughout Europe. The various crises, to which the European Union has been exposed to, have fueled and constrained this collective action at the same time. This article offers an introduction into this special issue. It highlights that the objective is to provide sound empirical findings about the magnitude and structure of the organisational field and to offer theoretical insights into the forces and constraints impacting on it. In addition, it presents the unique and new datasets on which the analyses are based on and stresses their comparative approach, given research carried out across fields (migration/refugees, unemployment, and disabilities) and countries (Denmark, France, Germany, Greece, Italy, Poland, Switzerland, and the UK). Finally, the introduction to the special issue argues that the organisational fields are exposed to transformations that point to a more transnational scope of activities and a more encompassing and inclusive understanding of solidarity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the beginning of the millennium, the institutions of the European Union have intensified their political efforts to combat youth employment. Youth-specific policy initiatives were launched after the financial and economic crisis of 2008, and the overall subsequent rise of unemployment rates among young people. In this article, we analyse and assess these developments on the basis of an analysis of European policy documents and interviews. Our conclusions are twofold. One, we argue that the Europe 2020 Strategy and its flagship initiatives devoted to youth do not constitute a new policy field or approach, but are rather the outcome of an incrementalist logic of policy development. Two, the European youth strategy is clearly committed to activation, and it pushes policy developments towards a minimalist policy approach of precarious protection. Both developments are explained by the actor constellations and path dependencies of the European policy arena. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Collective protest actions by the unemployed and the precariously employed spread throughout the European countries during the late 1990s and early 2000s. Social movement scholars became interested in these mobilizations because these protest actions challenged the assumption that poor people and weak interests rarely engage in such activities. This paper deals with these challenges by summarizing and discussing the latest research on the mobilization of the jobless in order to present available findings from three European countries and to unveil conducive conditions. Particular emphasis is placed upon mobilization structures. This paper argues that ongoing changes at a societal level—here mainly related to grievances, constituencies and organizational infrastructures—provide a beneficial background for increasing the probability of collective action by the jobless. While local protests were much more common, attempts to stabilize and widen political mobilization across time and space proved to depend on available political opportunities at the national level. Here, apparent differences between the European countries become evident. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Mobilization by the unemployed has traditionally been considered a highly improbable phenomenon. However, recent observations challenge such a supposition. Our article compares protest waves in France, Germany, and Italy, where the unemployed successfully organized themselves and acted on their own behalf for several months. We argue that mobilization of the unemployed- although it empirically proved to be a possibility-remains very fragile, particularly depending on beneficial "windows of opportunities. Our analysis is above all interested in deciphering macrostructural conditions and opportunity structures, arguing that the unemployed benefited from external developments causing changes in potential mobilizing resources, and brought about new allies and political entrepreneurs. At the same time, however, these opportunity structures were actively exploited and, at the same time, their opening was fostered by the mobilization itself [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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