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Latin American states have long been active participants in multilateral treaty making. However, the rich history of Latin American legal activism contrasts with debates about the degree to which these states commit to international agreements. We probe the existence of this purported 'commitment gap' by analyzing the signing and ratification of multilateral treaties. Are Latin American states less likely to ratify agreements they have signed than states from other world regions? Using survival analysis of an original dataset on multilateral treaties deposited with the UN Secretary-General, we find no difference between Latin America and North America/Europe in terms of ratification. If a commitment gap exists, it appears to be more evident in other regions, particularly East Asia, Africa, and the Anglo-Caribbean. To the extent that there is a 'commitment gap' at the regional level in Latin America, it is unlikely to be due to country-level factors such as domestic institutions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Why do states commit to UN counterterrorism treaties? This article posits that state accession to UN counterterrorism treaties is likely informed by the nature of the terrorist threats a state faces, and consequently, the pressures that such threats generate from domestic and international audiences on the state to address (or appear to address) them. As such, we hypothesize that states ratify UN CT treaties for either material, needs-based reasons —to gain external assistance for counterterror capacity building—or for symbolic reasons —to visibly signal their commitment to fight terrorism in order maintain legitimacy, and mitigate reputational costs to both domestic and international audiences. To test these hypotheses, we use a newly compiled dataset of state accessions to the 19 UN counterterrorism treaties from 1970–2016, testing both our needs-based versus symbolic hypotheses, as well as more "traditional" explanations for state treaty accession. Across the universe of 19 UN counterterrorism treaties, our study implies that states may be more likely to ratify treaties as mechanisms to signal intent to address terror threats rather than to build threat-specific counterterrorism capacity. This research thus broadens both academic and policy-related understandings of state counterterror treaty ratification. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite the normative integration between freedom of religion or belief (FORB) and women's equality, these synergies are difficult to discern and there is a common misperception that women's rights to equality and FORB are clashing rights. This is compounded by the extensive religiously phrased reservations by states upon ratification of international treaties that amplify this misperception that FORB serves to restrict women's rights to equality. The advocacy groups supporting these rights, and also their normative sources in international human rights law instruments, are largely distinct. However, general non-discrimination provisions do address both, and General Comment no. 28 captures both rights holistically. The correctives to these misperceptions lie in reflecting upon the universality, indivisibility, interdependence, and interrelatedness of all human rights norms. They also lie in the realization that FORB is a right like any other. FORB is neither a right of "religion" as such nor an instrument for support of religiously phrased reservations and limitations on women's rights to equality. This is particularly the case with harmful practices, as elaborated in the joint general recommendation/General Comment no. 31 of the Committee on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women and no. 18 of the Committee on the Rights of the Child however, the core principles also extend to other infringements of women's rights to equality. It is essential to (re)vitalize the synergies between FORB and women's equality in order to advance each of these rights, to be able to address overlapping rights concerns, and to adequately acknowledge intersectional claims. Furthermore, the relevant advocacy groups and human rights mechanisms need to give further attention to this as a priority matter. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The silent majority i.e. the children were last to come into the category of rights-holders. The journey from being 'property of parents' to 'object of protection' and then from 'object of protection' to 'subject of rights' is very long. Declaration on the Rights of the Child 1924 under the umbrella of League of Nations was the first document whereby the children for the first time came into the international recognition. Then in 1959, under the umbrella of United Nations Declaration on the Rights of the Child was again adopted, where their protections and vulnerability was reinforced. These both documents were just dealing the protection measures regarding children and they were considered just "objects of protection". Then moment came in 1989, when the historic UN Convention on the Rights of the Child was adopted, which first time recognised children as "rights-holders", and made them 'subjects of rights' from 'objects of protection'. The Convention proved to be the first significant binding instrument which explicitly recognised the children as possessors of rights and not the beggars. The examples and illustrations of three different jurisdictions i.e., United Kingdom: the kingpin of Common law, France; the leader of current civil law system and Pakistan; hybrid system, i.e., Common law mixed with Islamic Law, have been chosen. The objective of paper is to evaluate and see how children became the subject of international law and were lucky to be recognised as 'rights-holder' rather than only 'property' of their parents. The paper gives descriptive historical analysis the journey from 'child protections' to 'child rights' through two Declarations and a UN Convention, of children's rights, that led to their recognition as a category of holders of all human rights, along with special protection on account of their vulnerability. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the United States, and throughout many other parts of the world, we are witnessing attacks on basic human rights. As poverty, inequality, and suffering are evident in so many parts of the world today, there are those who say that the entire human rights regime has failed. This author does not agree. While it is true that human rights treaties have not realized their full potential in every country that has ratified them, human rights treaties do "matter." This Article makes the case for human rights treaties by referring to the success of the Convention on the Rights of People with Disabilities (CRPD), which was adopted by the UN in 2006 and has been ratified by 177 countries. The CRPD has spurred the development of new laws, policies, and practices that are transforming societies and offering new protections and opportunities for people with and without disabilities. The CRPD is also creating new norms within the international human rights system itself. Based on the impact of the CRPD to date, the human rights treaty regime has not only not failed but is, in fact, thriving. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A rich literature examines human rights treaty commitment and compliance. A subset of this literature has begun to examine the international legal actions states make following treaty ratification. I argue that the ways that states legally engage with treaties following commitment to UN human rights treaties is much more nuanced and differentiated than scholars have thus far presented via Reservation, Understanding, and Declaration. I introduce a first descriptive analysis of what I term Post-Commitment Actions (PCAs) to UN human rights treaties and generate varying hypotheses of why different PCAs have different relationships with expected human rights practices. I conduct a preliminary statistical analysis of the effect of PCAs on human rights practices and find that they are varied and important. Some PCAs result in improved human rights, while others result in worse human rights. I conclude by calling for further future study into these treaty actions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Treaty ratification and human rights criticism, along with democratic change, are key underpinnings of international human rights in practice. Using a treaty-specific human rights indicator in a dynamic panel data framework, I estimate how states' human rights behavior changes in response to ratification of the Convention against Torture (CAT) and criticism launched through United Nations (UN) procedures from 1985 to 2005, and whether response differs by a government's democratic status. Prior CAT ratifiers generally respond more positively to country-specific UN human rights criticism than do nonratifiers. When criticized, the difference between ratifiers and nonratifiers is greater with higher democratic governance ratings; however, ratification combined with criticism is likely to stabilize or improve human rights levels even in countries scoring poorly on democratic indicators. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The international human rights (HR) regime is vast and complex. Yet, most of what we know about it draws from a handful of agreements, often chosen for their prominence and/or perceived centrality to the HR project. This article argues that HR research needs to expand its scope to encompass all agreements in this realm, and presents a new data resource that enables scholars to accomplish that goal. Using the data, I demonstrate that the literature has painted an unrepresentative portrait of HR agreements. In addition to making comprehensive analysis possible, the database moves the literature forward by (1) taking into account important legal distinctions in the process of making treaties binding, (2) providing information on treaty design, and (3) considering relationships between agreements. I present several applications and discuss future areas of inquiry. Network analysis and the linking of treaty participation to HR outcomes are two notable areas of interest. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the effectiveness of global governance institutions in the light of changes in the global system, and how such changes can be observed in the international arena. This study focuses on the African system of human rights as an example of global governance institutions operating within the liberal global order created in the post-war era by the United States. This paper uses Oran Young's1 framework of effectiveness of international institutions to examine whether the African human rights system is effective. Based on that framework, the paper observes that the African human rights system has been able to move beyond human rights treaty ratification by African states to the establishment of treaty bodies that have demonstrated dynamism in response to challenges in the African human rights system, as well as changes in the liberal global order. However, there is more to effectiveness of institutions of global governance beyond the dynamism demonstrated by the African system of human rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years, the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) states have been increasingly willing to ratify United Nations human rights instruments. This article examines the underlying rationales for these ratifications and the limited range and drivers of subsequent domestic reforms post ratification. Drawing on both a quantitative analysis of engagement with the UN treaty bodies and Charter-based mechanisms in over 120 UN reports and qualitative interviews with over sixty-five government officials, members of civil society, National Human Rights Institutions, lawyers, and judges from all six states, this article argues that in the GCC states, UN human rights treaty ratification results from a desire to increase standing in the international community. Treaty ratification has limited effects driven by international socialization and cautious leadership preferences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Summary: This paper examines the consequences of participation in unenforceable international human rights institutions for economic and political development. Specifically, we study the empirical relationship between foreign aid, human rights, and participation in the United Nations Human Rights Treaties (HRT). We find that HRT participation has a significant positive effect on a country’s foreign aid receipts, but precipitates a decline in domestic human rights institutions. Taken together, the results suggest that rewarding participation in international human rights agreements with foreign aid is detrimental to human rights in recipient countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

To date no international treaty comprehensively regulates the international trade in conventional arms. In 2012 and 2013, two conferences were convened under the auspices of the United Nations to adopt an 'Arms Trade Treaty' putting an end to this state of affairs. Both failed to reach consensus on the final treaty draft before them. Nevertheless, on 2 April 2013, the UN General Assembly adopted the final draft submitted by the President of the second conference and the Arms Trade Treaty (ATT) is now open for signature and will enter into force after its fiftieth ratification. This article analyzes the legal value of the provisions enshrined in the ATT by concentrating on its scope, substantive obligations, and implementation. It concludes that while much criticism is in order with regard to ambiguous language and potential loopholes in the treaty, it still represents progress as it will provide for written obligations which States Parties must follow when deciding on arms transfer authorizations. Whether the treaty will actually help victims of violations of international human rights and humanitarian law on the ground, however, depends on its ratification by major supplier States and on how far States Parties will be willing to go when implementing and enforcing its provisions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents an overview of the United Nations treaty called the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) that was submitted to member countries in 1979. The reason why the CEDAW, which is also known as the Women's Bill of Rights, was not signed by the U.S. is attributed to the late North Carolina Senator Jesse Helms. The outlook for the treaty to be signed during the administration of U.S. President Barack Obama is discussed. The issue of a formal CEDAW review conducted after a country ratifies the treaty is mentioned.

For over half a century Laure Moghaizel struggled alongside her husband, Joseph, to include equal rights for women in Lebanese law and to advocate for women's participation in politics. Considering violations of women's rights to be integral to the broader plight of human rights violations in Lebanon, they successfully brought pressure on the Lebanese government to sign and ratify the United Nations Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women in 1996. Their example helps us to envision one answer to the general questions with which this article is concerned: how can women exercise their agency while still being embedded in the family structure rather than operating independently of its influence? Can social capital gained from family membership be used to foster women's agency? How can a husband work side by side with his wife to advance women's rights? What can we learn, from the point of view of feminist practice, from a couple who retained the trappings of a traditional marriage and yet devoted themselves to the struggle for women's equality? Remaining in dialogue with liberal and radical feminist literature and the literature on women's activism, while recognizing the salience of cultural differences, this article aspires to answer those questions. Using the writings of Laure Moghaizel, interview data from her close associates, and relevant secondary data, I examine multiple aspects of Laure' activism: the social structures that influenced her activism; her contributions to women's rights; her partnership with her husband; and their approach to framing couples' activism for women's human rights. Based on Laure's own success and her lasting influence in Lebanon and throughout the region, I argue that, contrary to the critique of the nuclear family as an institution of patriarchal oppression, the institutions of marriage and family in Middle Eastern cultures can contribute to the success of feminism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the campaign for the universal ratification of the 1989 Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC) human rights treaty of the United Nations (UN). Only the U.S. and Somalia are said to have ratified yet. In conjunction with this, 139 ratifications are claimed having been made in October 2010 on the Optional Protocol on the Involvement of Children in Armed Conflict (OPAC) and the Optional Protocol on the Sale of Children, Child Prostitution and Child Pornography (OPSC).

Copyright of Zeitschrift für Sozialreform is the property of De Gruyter and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article reviews the developments regarding the United Nations (UN) Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW). It notes that the administration of U.S. President Barack Obama supports the ratification of CEDAW and has identified it on its treaty priority list. It reveals that 187 countries have ratified CEDAW and 97 countries have ratified the Optional Protocol as of November 1, 2009.

The article discusses the concerns on the arbitration provisions introduced by the United Nations Conventions on Contracts for the International Carriage of Goods Wholly of Partly by Sea (Rotterdam Rules) for contract of carriage by sea. It states that arbitration proceedings is not defined in the Rotterdam Rules and may have two different meanings; therefore, it is confusing. It says that the requirement that the provision shall bind only Contracting States will complicate how the rules would apply on specific situations. It adds that the Rotterdam Rules may have conflict between its provisions because contract carriage also provides carriage by sea and other transportation means. It mentions the technicality of the rules which requires understanding of several terms.

Copyright of Review of International Affairs (04866096) is the property of Institute of International Politics & Economics and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article focuses on the negotiations of the European Union (EU) at the Union Nations. It says that the Treaty on European Union and the EU's common foreign and security policy firmly established EU negotiation at the UN, which could be further strengthened through the ratification of the Treaty of Lisbon. It notes that EU ambitions to play a prominent role at the UN but its habit of opposing the UN agenda prevents it from achieving its goal.

This Article reviews the processes by which domestic-level transposition of international human rights norms may occur as a consequence of human rights treaty ratification, or other means of incorporation. Specifically, we consider the transformative vision of the Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (CRPD or Convention) as a vehicle for fostering national-level disability law and policy changes. In doing so, we outline the challenges and opportunities presented by this new phase in disability rights advocacy, and we draw conclusions that bear generally upon human rights practice and scholarship. We contend that the role of human rights in domestic law and process reflect important dimensions of international law and practice. At the same time, human rights advocates and scholars often fail to account for the potentially mutually constitutive nature of domestication processes and the transformative role that human rights treaties perform within societies. Accordingly, we argue that effective Convention implementation must result in a human rights practice that includes law reform or court-based advocacy, but also moves beyond it to include strategies that support deeper domestic internalization of human rights norms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On November 5, 2004, the Russian Federation ratified the Kyoto Protocol to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, effectively saving the treaty. Battling domestic interests, in which a majority of pro-Kyoto voices were countered by a small but powerful minority of Kyoto opponents, had little influence on the decision due to the centralized institutional environment in Russia which allows the President great autonomy in foreign policy. President Putin ratified the treaty because Russia would likely gain leverage in other international negotiations and contribute to an image of itself as a good member of the club of advanced industrialized states. He delayed ratification to clarify evidence about gains versus losses from Kyoto provisions and to secure concessions from other Kyoto ratifiers in other international negotiations. Existing implementation efforts are slow but indicate that Russia's strategy will emphasize maximizing profits through treaty mechanisms over maximizing emissions reductions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses various reports related to global human rights. Reports from the Amnesty International (AI) and Human Rights Watch (HRW) provide overviews of human rights violations in particular countries and an annex on states' ratifications of international human rights treaties. The HRW report includes four essays on the United Nations (UN), the European Union (EU), domestic migrant workers and freedom of speech. While various global human rights surveys employ systems of numerical rankings, both reports take the approach that all countries are treated equally and there are no comparative rankings.

Discusses several developments in the laws and practices relating to reservations as of 2005. Definition of a reservation; Role of the United Nations Secretary General in reservations; Types of reservations; Information on formulating objections to reservations.

Discusses the key requirements for implementation of the Kyoto Protocol to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (FCCC). Reference to how the Russian ratification of the treaty approved it along with the participation of 126 other countries; Indications that the U.S. and Australia will not take actions to ratify the agreement; Reference to how the rules of the agreement were rewritten at the Conferences of the Parties (COPs) of the Framework Convention in order to lower the costs for Canada, Japan, and Russia; Goals of a post-Kyoto framework which will focus on fundamental aspects of the science and economics of global climate change policy; Suggestion for industrialized to take initial steps to make emissions reductions on their own.

In October 2003, The United States Senate Foreign Relations Committee held a set of hearings to examine the merits of domestic "ratification" of the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea. On March 11, 2004, the committee favorably reported the treaty to the full Senate with a resolution of advice and consent to be voted upon, a significant step in movement toward U.S. accession to the Convention. This contribution examines the ratification/accession effort in the context of recent U.S. history. In light of the United States's decade-long refrain from accession, the question "why now?" is posited. The answer may lie in the global commercial, political, defense, and strategic reasons approaching a critical mass necessary to overcome longstanding objections. Finally, regardless of the result of a Senate vote, a series of "what's next?" questions will arise. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Canadian Prime Minister Jean Chretien announced in the House of Commons on November 6, 2003, that Canada would be ratifying the 1982 United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (LOS). On November 7, 2003, Canada's ratification was officially deposited with the United Nations. The LOS Convention came into force for Canada on December 7, 2003. Unlike some states, however, Canada was always a supporter of the LOS Convention. Canada was one of the 119 states that had signed the LOS Convention on December 10, 1982.

This article examines the link between women's rights and the "War on Terror," and advocates a change in the United States' policy to incorporate women's rights into a national security strategy to confront militant Islamic fundamentalism. Specifically, the U.S. should ratify the United Nations Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) and take advantage of the Treaty's status as the authoritative international statement on women's rights to direct such efforts towards the Arab and Muslim world. The United States' promotion of CEDAW can reinitiate a debate on women's rights in Muslim societies, shift the political balance of power towards progressive forces, and weaken the appeal of the fundamentalist ideology, which opposes such ideas from within. The Treaty would shield the U.S. from the political costs of activism, and would represent an important step in winning the hearts and minds of Muslims, which is essential to changing the current political dynamic that allows fundamentalism to flourish. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the problem of child poverty in Canada in light of Canada's commitments under the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child. In the early 1990s, Canada officially embraced a public policy of providing for basic rights of children. This occurred with the Canadian government's signing of the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child in 1990s and with the ratification of the Convention by Parliament and provinces, with the exception of Alberta, in 1991. By ratifying the Convention in 1991, Canada was obligated to advance the basic economic security rights of children under Article 27. In accord with the Convention, Canada took important measures to overcome the problem. However, child poverty has persisted as a serious problem, putting at risk the exercise of children's rights in ways that are more far-reaching than often thought. Child poverty puts at risk the exercise of children's provision, protection and participation rights. If Canada is to honor its obligation to implement the Convention and to ensure that all Canadian children are able to exercise their rights, more serious efforts are required against child poverty, as have occurred in other similar nations.

This article presents an economic analysis of the ratification of the "Kyoto Protocol" by the Russian Federation. It became apparent at the United Nation World Climate Change Conference, which took place from September 29 to October 3 in Moscow, that the ratification is uncertain. There are indications that Russia perceives the Kyoto Protocol as a limitation to the growth of its economy in the mid-future. These mid-term costs of climate policy are seen to more than outweigh the possible short-term gains from the sale of "hot air" in the first commitment period 2008-2012.

The article focuses on several States Parties relative to the 1951 convention focused on the status of the refugees. It outlines the dates in which the instrument of ratification or accession of the respective States Parties were deposited to the Secretary-General of the United Nations. It also mentions the 1967 Protocol which came into force on the date of the deposit.

The article discusses the United Nation's (UN) Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) and the push by the U.S. to ratify the international agreement. An overview of UNCLOS, which guides how countries settle maritime boundary disputes, events at the June 9-11, 2009 symposium titled "Impacts of an Ice-Diminishing Arctic on Naval & Maritime Operations," in Annapolis, Maryland, and the reluctance of some U.S. lawmakers to ratify the agreement are presented.

Reports on the opposition of Russian scientists on the country's ratification of the Kyoto Protocol on climate change by the United Nations. Requirement for countries to reduce their greenhouse-gas emissions levels; Ratification of 124 countries to the protocol; Withdrawal of the support of the U.S. to the protocol; Significance of the ratification of Russia to the protocol; Efforts of scientists to lobby for the rejection of the treaty.