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The Broad Front Left Coalition came to power in 2005 with the promise of building a National Integrated Healthcare System in the context of a broader institutional environment that was quite resistant to the proposed reforms. An analysis of the healthcare reform process attempted by the government using the Advocacy Coalition Framework demonstrates that the promoter coalition was characterized by unstable agreements between the various actors in the coalition over the coalition’s core beliefs and project. This can be interpreted as a product of a conjuncture characterized by crisis. Once it was clear that the reform process guaranteed the survival of each actor, the existing political differences inside of the coalition and between the political and secondary aspects were overcome, but these differences could have put the breaks on the reformist impulse and brought about a new period of stasis or ‘freezing’. To confirm this hypothesis, this result could be explained by the sequence of implementation of the reforms, which at the same time brought with it political viability, strengthened actors that had been weakened in the reform process and reconstructed historical veto points.

This article contributes to our understanding of how social movement coalitions with an intersectional political perspective function. It analyzes the development in Uruguay of a network of social movements that successfully promoted the so-called "new rights agenda" during the progressive government (2005-2020). This case is particularly interesting given its level of success in terms of legal changes and public policies and the role played by social movements in these changes. Considering the above, do Uruguayan social organizations in the new rights agenda form an integrated network of action? If so, what level of segmentation do these organizations assume based on their main issues? Through an analysis of networks, we show that these organizations operate within an integrated network, which is reinforced by the presence of specific entities that play a central intermediary role. However, the existence of organizational link segmentation is evident, indicating that while there is some capacity for interaction among different social movement industries, a thematic logic predominates when understanding interactions within the network. The network analysis presented is based on information collected in an original survey conducted with 49 organizations in Montevideo involved in the new rights agenda. Empirically, the article advances our knowledge of this unique case in the Latin American context through an innovative methodology for analyzing these phenomena. On a theoretical level, it addresses recent discussions in the literature concerning the impact of an intersectional perspective on the actions and outcomes of social movements and their capacity to create effective coalitions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista del CLAD Reforma y Democracia is the property of Centro Latinoamericano de Administracion para el Desarrollo (CLAD) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development and the SDGs are currently a central pillar of action for international organizations, determining development and cooperation actions at a global scope. From a technical perspective, to build and systematize information for the alignment and subsequent monitoring of policies and indicators implies a significant effort. Especially at the sub-national level, this collides with small local governments often lacking experience and resources when it comes to monitoring policies, which affects their ability to keep track of their performance towards SDGs. This article presents the adaptation of RIA methodology for SDGs monitoring at a local level. Its empirical application in six departmental governments in Uruguay made it possible to assess their contributions to the fulfillment of the 2030 Agenda and to deepen debates regarding the prerogatives and quality of policies at sub-national levels. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The analysis on policy evaluation tends to emphasize the need to build technical capacity among officials and robust information systems. However, they have not put enough focus on the highly political nature of this process. This paper analyzes, through the Uruguayan case, a set of political and institutional dimensions associated with bureaucracy, civil society and their links with political parties in an attempt to contribute to the understanding about the consolidation of the monitoring and evaluation systems in the Latin American public administrations. Two main arguments are developed: on the one hand, the existence of factors associated with the country's institutional construction of the public sector influence the development of the evaluation system, and on the other, paradoxically, we ask if the good levels of transparency and confidence by citizens to the state reduce the incentives for evaluating public policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Uruguaya de Ciencia Política is the property of Instituto de Ciencia Politica (Universidad de la Republica de Uruguay) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)