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There is a plethora of research on the determinants of state repression. Concomitant with the advancement of technology, there is a growing body of literature on high-tech repression. However, relatively scarce attention has been paid to the impact of high-tech repression on individuals. This study makes a novel contribution to the literature by analysing the impact of China's high-tech repression in East Turkestan on the identity, beliefs and practices of Uyghurs. We analyse the impact of state surveillance in East Turkestan based on surveys and focus group interviews with members of the Uyghur diaspora (who experienced China's repressive practices in the region and subsequently migrated to Turkiye) between July and September 2023. The overwhelming majority of the survey respondents indicated that high-tech repression severely reduced their social interactions and cultural practices in East Turkestan and that this repression has negatively affected their view of the Chinese state and technology in general. Most of the respondents indicated that after witnessing this type of repression, they clung more to their national identity. Our focus group interviews provide more in-depth results on the impact of high-tech repression. The participants shared their experiences of how constant surveillance disrupted their daily lives, neighbourly relations, mobility and personal well-being. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China built internment camps officially referred to as training centres within the scope of a policy for countering extremism and terrorism in the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region in 2017. While the repression imposed by China on Uyghurs in these camps has attracted the response of the international community, there has been neither a public protest nor a meaningful government response to China in Turkey, despite it having been the voice of Uyghurs on international platforms before 2017. This study aims to identify the reasons for Turkey's silence on the persecution of Uyghurs by utilizing the legitimation and co-optation strategies of the authoritarian stability framework. The Turkish government's legitimation strategies of "rallying around the flag" via anti-Americanism and the economic expectations of China to boost its performance-based legitimacy are evaluated as reasons for the government's silence on the Uyghur cause. Moreover, it is also discussed how formal and informal co-optation strategies of the government with nationalist and Eurasianist parties are playing a role as a bolstering mechanism of its silence policy on Uyghurs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the challenges of language and cultural maintenance through education among one immigrant ethnic group, the Uyghurs within Turkey, where the Uyghur population has grown in recent years. Uyghurs are a Turkic-speaking Muslim ethnic minority group of some 10 million people within China, originating from China's northwest Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region. Data for the paper are based on ethnographic research conducted in Istanbul, where the Uyghur population in Turkey is the largest. The paper illustrates how the local and global environment impact how culture is constructed, and that identity construction and language maintenance projects are not ideologically neutral. It contributes to the understudied link between language, ethnicity, politics, and education by exploring the ways in which the Uyghur community in Istanbul uses non-formal education to maintain and transmit their language and cultural traditions in their host environment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since 1997, the Chinese Party-state has engaged in a campaign of transnational repression against the Uyghur diaspora. This campaign has grown in severity since the 2014 declaration of the People's War on Terror and Strike Hard campaigns, which, taken together, involved a program of mass incarceration for the Turkic peoples of the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region (XUAR). This article examines the everyday impacts of extraterritorial persecution on the Uyghur diaspora and their ability to successfully integrate into their new host societies and exercise their political and cultural agency. The article draws from nineteen in-depth interviews with Uyghurs living around the world and a dataset of over 7,000 incidents of China's targeting of Uyghurs globally since 1997. We examine how Chinese practices and the everyday effects of transnational repression vary between different regime types. We argue that Uyghurs experience both marginalization in their host country and the threat of transnational repression from China, a particularly precarious situation that we term double precarity. This double precarity is felt most acutely in more authoritarian contexts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Mental health and psychosocial support for Uyghurs living abroad need to be acknowledged as an important component of the humanitarian response. To formulate appropriate interventions for promoting mental health, a comprehensive understanding of identified problems is needed. However, several challenges - including language barriers, community perceptions of mental health, and mental health services - must be addressed. In this field report, we draw from our experiences of the Uyghur diaspora in relation to mental health to present the challenges which need to be addressed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article draws on archival materials from late Qing Turpan Prefecture to explore Qing colonialism within the context of mass vaccination efforts in Xinjiang from 1880 to 1911. Following the reconquest of the region in 1877, Xiang Army leaders established official vaccination bureaus across Xinjiang—a colonial administration that encompassed all of East Turkestan—to combat smallpox outbreaks within Musulman (Uyghur) communities and the Qing army garrison. The vaccination bureau in Turpan, although led by Han vaccinators from Inner China, depended heavily on the labor of Musulman graduates from the region's assimilationist Confucian schools. The Turpan Vaccination Bureau reinforced the Xiang Army's broader project of colonial assimilation by training Musulman apprentices in various Chinese medical texts and using them to disseminate these ideas across the prefecture through the medium of vaccination. However, Turpan's Musulmans possessed their own sophisticated body of knowledge regarding epidemics and healing and routinely resisted the imposition of normative Qing/Chinese medical behavior. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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In recent decades, as part of the efforts of the Chinese government first to integrate and, more recently, to forcibly assimilate the Uyghur population into China's mainstream culture and society, the Uyghur language has been marginalized and repressed to an unprecedented extent. The academic literature on Xinjiang's language policy has repeatedly acknowledged that this repression is a major source of concern and discontent among many Uyghurs. However, to date, little has been written about the public response of Uyghurs to this policy and their open efforts to challenge it. In particular, with very few exceptions, little is known about the public response of Uyghur writers and artists. In this article I analyse a large corpus of Uyghur poems and songs that engaged openly with the Uyghur language crisis and were published and disseminated in the Uyghur public sphere between the mid-1990s and the mid-2010s. Unlike some studies that try to assess the condition of certain languages at a certain point in time through objective methodologies, these literary and artistic works provide an insider view on how the Uyghur cultural elite and many other Uyghurs experienced the repression and loss of their native language, and also, how they struggled against this repression. In the article I examine the diverse sentiments, perceptions, and discourses that these literary and artistic expressions communicate, and the different strategies that the Uyghurs used to struggle against the language policy and its consequences. I also explore what these works tell us about the development of Xinjiang's language policy over time, the linguistic reality in the region, and the impact that the language policy has had on Uyghur society. Finally, the article also investigates the broad political meanings of these works and speculates on the link between them and the efforts of the Chinese government to further marginalize the Uyghur language. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses how shifts in the international system and Turkish domestic factors determine the current relations between Turkey and China. They are combined with changes in the international system and Turkish domestic economic, political and ideological factors. The Uyghur issue, Turkey's new activism in Central Asia, and the 'Turkic narrative' are analysed in the context of bilateral relations. The 2020 Nagorno-Karabakh War brought the 'Turkic narrative' to a new level and gave new impetus and confidence to Ankara in forging a new assertive foreign policy in Central Asia, which could be a challenge for Beijing in the future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Turcology Research is the property of Ataturk University Coordinatorship of Scientific Journals and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Turkbilig/Turkoloji Arastirmalari Dergisi is the property of Turkbilig/Turkoloji Arastirmalari Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Turkbilig/Turkoloji Arastirmalari Dergisi is the property of Turkbilig/Turkoloji Arastirmalari Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Historical sources and recent data testify to the important role of the mazar pilgrimage in Uyghur daily life. The article deals with pilgrimage to Kuhmarim (alt. Köhmarim), a mazar 'Muslim shrine' close to Khotan, largely based on fieldwork by the authors who visited the shrine on separate occasions in 2009, 2015 and 2016. The shrine's current status is unclear, but here we describe the pilgrimage as it was just before 2017. That was the year that the international community started receiving increasingly disturbing reports of the mass detention of Uyghurs, Kazakhs and other Muslim Turkic-speaking ethnic minorities in China. Given developments in the Uyghur homeland during the past few years, whereby hundreds or even thousands of mosques have been flattened to the ground together with the systematic destruction of numerous family tombs and holy shrines, this might be seen as a historical account of pilgrimage patterns, which still are not fully explored. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Athenaeum: Polskie Studia Politologiczne is the property of Faculty of Political Science & Security Studies Nicolaus Copernicus University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Uyghur Intangible Cultural Heritage is listed under the UNESCO Representative List of Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity, heritage lists of China, and the UNESCO List of Intangible Cultural Heritage in Need of Urgent Safeguarding, as well as the List of Representative Projects of Intangible Cultural Heritage in Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region. Therefore, it is necessary to outline and evaluate the Intangible Cultural Heritage of the Uyghur in terms of the number of their representative elements, their area-categories, their geographical distribution, their inclusion in various lists, the safeguarding action plan for them. In this article, after briefly explaining the history of intangible cultural heritage studies in China and the related studies of the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region, the article will proceed to introduce the Uyghur elements on the UNESCO Representative List of Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity and the List of Intangible Cultural Heritage in Need of Urgent Safeguarding. These will be specifically discussed. Then, 33 elements of Uyghur culture in the List of Representative Elements of National Intangible Cultural Heritage and the related 61 sub-elements will be discussed one by one, in accordance with the arrangement in the intangible cultural heritage areas identified by UNESCO. Three elements in the field of oral traditions and expressions; eight elements, 20 sub-elements in the field of performing arts; three elements, seven sub-elements in the field of social practices, rituals and feasts; five elements and 10 sub-elements in the field of knowledge and practices related to nature and the universe; 14 elements and 21 sub-elements in the field of handicrafts will be examined one by one. Brief information will be given about the item's name, its category in China, item number, inventory number, approval date, geographic distribution center(s), and item protection agency. Some elements will be defined when necessary. Considering that all studies regarding the Intangible Cultural Heritage of the Uyghur are carried out within the framework of China's Intangible Cultural Heritage studies, Uyghur Intangible Cultural Heritage as a part of China's Intangible Cultural Heritage, suitable evaluations will be made on the studies regarding the Uyghur's elements, and the sub-elements. The Intangible Cultural Heritage of the Uyghur is an indication of the spiritual wealth of the country and humanity. It needs to be introduced in greater detail, more scientific research and more comprehensive evaluation. On the other hand, these kinds of studies, have a special value to China's Belt and Road Initiative. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since 1949, ethnic minority nationalism in Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region (XUAR) has consistently concerned the People's Republic of China. Most previous studies on nationalism in XUAR focused on organised visible nationalist movements and ignored everyday life, particularly regarding interactions between the government and citizens or between the majority and the minority. This study investigates daily practices of ethnic minority nationalism in XUAR within the framework of everyday nationalism. It explores daily life in Altay City to determine how members of ethnic minority groups produce and maintain their sense of ethnic identity in this context. The article found that members of ethnic minority groups are engaged in a struggle to retain their sense of ethnic identity by resisting state nationalism and expressing antagonism towards Han Chinese in their everyday lives. This study reveals a covert nationalist movement involving almost everyone in XUAR. Ethnic nationalism is central to XUAR society and will continue to shape its social relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The status of refugees in host nations may depend upon several factors, including the economic situation of the receiving state, political alignments, international commitments, ethnic affinities, the domestic refugee regime, security considerations and bilateral ties with the home country. The study aims to discern the role that bilateral ties and domestic considerations play in the refugee experience. Is there a pattern that can be drawn out from these two factors? The article uses neoclassical realist and critical theories to better understand the phenomena, while employing the case study method to make a comparative study. The study analyses how India and Turkey have dealt with refugees belonging to two ethnic minorities of the Republic of China: the Tibetans and the Uyghurs. The results show that the way the receiving states handle refugees depends greatly on domestic considerations. It becomes clear that even though bilateral ties between the host and the home nation are important, no simple deduction can be made on how this affects the treatment of refugees. Both cases provide varied response patterns; it is only through a blend of realpolitik and critical theory that the phenomena can be understood. Mapping refugees and their movements, as well as their status in the host countries, determines many of the policies created for their welfare. The article therefore attempts to provide a framework for a better understanding of the phenomena by considering bilateral ties and domestic considerations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the alienating effects of 'Intangible Cultural Heritage' (ICH) (Ch.: fei wuzhi wenhua yichan 非物质文化遗产 ; Uy.: gheyri maddi medeniyet mirasliri) discourse on Uyghur villagers, particularly Uyghur knowledge-holders. Since China became a signatory to UNESCO's ICH convention in 2004, the ICH framework has provided opportunities for people in China to protect and profit from their heritage. But it has also been used to further Chinese state nation-building in ways that do not meaningfully include the grassroots knowledge and holistic practices of Indigenous communities. In the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region (XUAR), top-down ICH policies have been implemented in tandem with increasingly repressive security policies and anti-extremism discourse. In this environment, authorised ICH discourse, which defines the nature, value and management of ICH, has marginalised and distanced Uyghur knowledge-holders from the heritage that they embody, contributing to the profound transformation of the Uyghur way of life. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The involvement of business actors in gross human rights abuses and international crimes is not a new phenomenon, as exemplified by the Holocaust or the Rwandan genocide. Nowadays, many European and US-based companies doing business in China, specifically in the Xinjiang province where Uyghurs are persecuted, may be connected to severe human rights abuses. The current business and human rights legal framework, which has developed to include human rights due diligence laws and civil litigation, may not be robust enough for preventing companies from doing business in the region, and punishing them when they do and become connected to abuse. We contend that this framework could be strengthened so as to enhance corporate accountability in the face of gross, state-orchestrated human rights abuses in the region. We consider specific laws that the United States and the European Union have adopted to address this situation, namely the 2022 US Uyghur Forced Labor Prevention Act and the EU Proposal for a regulation on prohibiting products made with forced labour on the Union market. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The minority Uyghurs in Xinjiang province, China, and Rohingyas in Rakhine State, Myanmar are facing civil and violent persecution by authoritarian governments. These minority ethnic groups are also Muslims. As the world watches in condemnation, there is curiously little traction by Islamist jihadist groups in these countries. That is not to say that their influence is absent in the regions: al-Qaeda in South Asia is taking advantage of the Rohingya refugee crisis and the so-called Islamic State was able to attract Uyghurs to their doomed caliphate. Nevertheless, this paper seeks to understand why jihadists failed to make many inroads in these places when compared to the civil wars in Iraq and Syria. It is important that we understand this phenomenon in order to undermine the influence of jihadists in other parts of the world. Using the framework of ethnic minorities living in Dar al-'Ahd (House of Treaty) this paper argues that the governments in China and Myanmar are oppressing a selective group of Muslims and thus making it difficult to build the case that they are at war with Muslims in general. This argument is based on the classical understanding of jihadism, which is to fight against foreign intrusion in Muslim territories, whereas the call to jihad against one's government is a much more recent and controversial innovation. Therefore, despite different types of persecution by the Chinese and Burmese governments, and the different responses by the locals, there is a comparable relative absence of jihadist movements explained by the limited repression of specific Muslim minorities by governments that have relations with other Muslim countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The recent vote against the first-ever UN Human Rights Council resolution looking at the situation of Uyghurs in Xinjiang has prompted discussions and concerns over China's increasing grip over UN human rights bodies. Amidst tensions between Chino and the West, China's growing influence within the UN human rights system poses a challenge to progressive Global South governments, who seek to cooperate with Beijing on trade and development, while sharing major divergences on human rights priorities. This paper aims to present the goals and tactics behind China's increasing presence at the UN Human Rights Council, and propose some reflections on its impact for progressive Latin American and other Global South governments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Turkish Culture & Haci Bektas Veli Research Quarterly is the property of Turkish Cultur & Haci Bektas Veli Research Quarterly and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article asks whether Uyghurs should be considered an Indigenous people. In doing so, it highlights the contested issues this question raises and seeks to initiate a more comprehensive debate on the question among Uyghurs themselves, who ultimately decide the appropriateness of such identification. The Chinese state is implementing an intense campaign against Uyghurs that bears striking resemblance to those historically waged by other settler-colonial regimes against the Indigenous peoples they displaced. Embracing indigeneity could serve as a useful strategy for at least contextualizing Uyghurs' present repression and dispossession, but Uyghurs in the diaspora are ambivalent about the concept. The article examines both why Uyghurs can be considered an Indigenous people under UN criteria and why they are reticent to embrace this status. While Uyghurs' ultimate acceptance of indigeneity as a means of self-identification would require the participation of all Uyghurs, including those living in the PRC who are currently unable to engage in such discussions, we argue that even a limited debate on the relevance of indigeneity to their identity among Uyghurs in exile would widen the possibilities of responses to the acts of repression, erasure, and dispossession carried out against their people inside China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Perceptions of non-native speech are often guided by listeners' expectations of a speaker. These expectations are informed by pre-existing beliefs about how particular types of people sound. Perceived ethnicity can affect how listeners evaluate speech (Rubin 1992; D'Onofrio 2019); however, most of this work has been situated in Western contexts. The current study details an experiment that tests for the linguistic profiling (Baugh 2005) of the Uyghur population of China, a group that has been systematically oppressed for their ethnicity and religion. Using name-based ethnicity priming, participants thought they were hearing either a Korean, Uyghur or non-descript speaker of L2 Mandarin. Results showed that participants rated the speaker as significantly more confident, intelligent and hard-working in the Uyghur condition. However, participants were significantly less likely to hire the supposedly 'Uyghur' speaker. We propose that these results are evidence of shifting standards (Biernat 2012), whereby listener expectations are lowered by social stereotypes, leading to inflated subjective ratings of minority groups, without leading to positive outcomes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We use the predatory theory of the state to explain China's violent assimilationist campaign targeting the Uyghurs, a predominantly Muslim minority group in China that constitutes a population majority in the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region. Our analysis suggests that growing political centralization under the leadership of President Xi Jinping, combined with technological changes that reduced the costs of implementing predatory policing in Xinjiang and elevated the perceived economic benefits from integration, contributed to the choice of destructive cultural assimilation rather than respect for the rights and autonomy of Uyghurs in Xinjiang. While the economics literature sometimes describes the political economy of China's growth miracle as the byproduct of a constrained Leviathan, the present paper shows that a predatory theory of the state is more useful for understanding how a cultural genocide can occur alongside economic growth. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The "bilingual education" policy in Xinjiang has been one of the most contentious policies implemented in the region in recent decades. Given its negative impact on one of the most important markers of Uyghur ethnic identity, it has been a major cause of Uyghur discontent. Nevertheless, our knowledge of the genesis of this policy and the negotiations that took place around its implementation has been partial at best. Through an in-depth analysis of two essays published in the early and mid-2000s by two prominent Uyghur scholars, a large body of academic publications by other Uyghur scholars, and ethnographic data collected since the early 2000s, this article reexamines part of the conventional academic wisdom that relates to this policy, particularly the role Uyghurs have played in relation to it. The article suggests two main revisions to the existing knowledge. One has to do with the amount and form of Uyghur resistance to the policy, and the other with the role Uyghurs have played in promoting the policy. I argue that at least in its early stages, not only did not all Uyghurs resist the policy, but also, in fact, part of the Uyghur political and academic elite played an active role in promoting it. In addition, contrary to the implicit agreement in the existing scholarship that Uyghurs could resist the policy only in covert forms, in fact a considerable number of Uyghur academics have been engaged for years in persistent and overt struggle against it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The Uyghurs, who demolished the II. Kokturk Khaganate and established an independent government under the name Otuken Uyghur State, are known for their cultural and religious systems developed within the history of Central Asian Turks. As a result of the trade-based relations with Sogdian, Toharian and the Chinese over the geography, changes have occurred in the Uyghur society structure. Among the innovations that took place in the Turkish society specifically for the Uyghurs, there are changes such as living in settled life, adopting Manichaeism and Buddhism, religions specific to Central Asia, and alphabet change. The most important innovation in the social life of Uyghurs, a warrior and nomadic community, is religious change. Manichaeism, which was made systematic in the founding of Mani in the 3rd century, was accepted as a state religion during the period of Uyghurs by Bögü Khan. This doctrine, which is based on dualities such as light-dark and good-evil, is a belief system that bases its salvation on abiding the Five Commandments and the Three Seals. This doctrine, which prohibits eating meat, killing creatures was adopted by the ruling class in a religious character that was originally adopted by Bögü Khan and his family members, despite the fact that they were in stark contrast with the Turkish social structure. Manichaeism, which is a state religious identity with Uyghurs for the first time, has been an indication of religious freedom in Uyghurs as a belief system that progresses side by side with Buddhism, although it was initially trapped in the Uyghur dynasty. Manichaeism, which developed under the political protection of the Otuken Uyghur State, continued until the destruction of the Uyghurs by the Kyrgyz. The Uyghurs, destroyed by the Kyrgyz in 840, turned to the Tarim Basin and established the Khotco Uyghur State. This period, in which the Buddha religion was built on solid foundations, is seen as a peak period in terms of Turkish Buddhism. Although the period when Buddhism started to be seen among Turks, the adoption of the Buddha religion by the Uyghurs in mass, is dated to the 9th century. The Uyghurs, who preferred the Mahāyāna Buddhism aimed at the liberation of society, learned the belief systems of this doctrine, especially with the help of Sogd and Chinese, and revealed religious works with the Uyghur Alphabet, whose origins were based on the Sogd script. Experiencing the thought systems of these teachings on the basis of Manichaeism and Buddhism, Uyghurs have created a developed social structure especially at the level of these belief systems based on individual and social liberation. Charity culture, which is one of the practices that this religion commands to the civilian people outside the monastery in both Manichaeism and Buddhism, has a conceptual richness on the basis of these teachings. The concept of charity, which ranks first among the Five Commandments, known as the virtues such as not killing living things, not drinking, not adulterous, and righteousness in Manichaeism, is one of the concepts that the Society emphasizes in two groups: Elects and Hearers. The concept of charity, which is also expressed as material aid to the clergy of the civilian people, known as the Hearers class, appears as a tradition in this doctrine, which has been skillfully theorized by the Elects and has promises to attract civilians to religious practices. As with Manichaeism, the practice of charity, which is related to the virtue of generosity that Buddha candidates must have on the way to enlightenment, is known as the sacrifices that Bodhisattvas make to living beings in their own personalities, both material and spiritual (compassion), as an example of charity for the clergy. In this direction, the article is based on the purpose of showing the qualities of the materials related to charity in the Manichean and Buddhist works of Old Uyghurs in line with Manichaeism and Buddhism. In this study, first of all, the view of related teachings on charity concept in terms of Manichaeism and Buddhism, the results of charity practice in the Uyghur period written by various researchers and whether it corresponded in the Old Uyghurs, and the concept of charity on the basis of Manichaeism, Buddhism and Uyghurs, the reasons for the partnerships that developed between Manichaeism and Buddhism in terms of charity culture will be studied by revealing the type, content and benefits it will have. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Mostly unknown to the public, the Uyghurs, a Muslim minority of some 12 million in northwest China, have gained international prominence since the 2010s. Their Diaspora, headed by the World Uyghur Congress, has managed to convince the West that Beijing's persecution of their kin in Xinjiang amounts to "genocide", prompting condemnations, sanctions and boycotts on China. Not denying Chinese oppression of Uyghurs, I argue that the "genocide" claims are not only false but, moreover, counterproductive. Primarily motivated by an anti-China policy, whatever the findings of "investigation committees" and self-appointed "tribunals", they hardly care about the Uyghurs. Contrary to expectations, no Islamic countries have criticized China; all the condemnations come from Western countries, themselves stained by "real" genocides, incomparably more brutal than what allegedly happened in China. In retrospect, the Uyghurs may have won a virtual, short-term, Pyrrhic victory, but actually failed completely. A real victory should, and perhaps could, have been won quietly and directly, not loudly and offensively. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Chinese academics and politicians argue that Xinjiang's 'terrorism' problem can only be solved by 'optimizing' its ethnic population structure. High ethnic minority population concentrations are considered a national security threat. 'Optimizing' such concentrations requires 'embedding' substantial Han populations, whose 'positive culture' can mitigate the Uyghur 'human problem'. Scenarios that do not overburden the region's ecological carrying capacity entail drastic reductions in ethnic minority natural population growth, potentially decreasing their populations. Population 'optimization' discourses and related policies provide a basis to assess Beijing's 'intent' to destroy an ethnic minority population in part through birth prevention per the 1948 United Nations Genocide Convention. The 'destruction in part' can be assessed as the difference between projected natural population growth without substantial government interference and reduced growth scenarios in line with population 'optimization' requirements. Based on population projections by Chinese researchers, this difference could range between 2.6 and 4.5 million lives by 2040. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Adab Al-Kufa is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The medium of instruction (MoI) is regulated in the bilingual education of Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region in two ways. One requires most school subjects to be taught through Mandarin, whereas the other demands that all subjects be delivered with Mandarin as the MoI. A field trip to the capital city, Urumqi, was conducted in 2017 to investigate the implementation of the MoI as stated in the policy. This paper first outlines the history of bilingual education in the region, with a focus on Chinese language education. It then investigates the change of MoI from the ethnic minority language to Mandarin Chinese. The two current modes of bilingual education in Xinjiang are also discussed in detail. The paper further examines the regulations on MoI through interviews with students and teachers from four Urumqi schools. Their understanding of the regulations on MoI usage demonstrates the difficulties of implementing such a policy, one initially proposed with good intentions. Through a thorough examination of official documents as well as interview data, this study shows the discrepancies between national and current regional policies, between planned aim and in-class practice, and between the transitional and balanced types of bilingual education. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The Chinese authorities are carrying out a multidimensional campaign of repression of the Uighurs and other Muslim communities in Xinjiang, which may amount to crimes against humanity and genocide. These ongoing crimes require urgent attention and response of the international community, including the United Nations (UN). To counter China's great influence within the organisation, all avenues need to be explored to protect minorities in Xinjiang. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Nationalists usually emphasise the timeless and primordialist origins of the nation, but states also make conscious efforts to construct nations. Drawing on the case of the Uyghurs, this article shows how states support certain nationalist tendencies and use them – with varying degrees of success – to advance particular ideologies. In the 1930s, as a consequence of Soviet national policy, different ethnicities joined a new Uyghur nation. The state therefore constructed the Uyghurs (together with other ethnic groups) through a political decision. In doing so the state emphasised the primordial aspect of Uyghurdom, however, whereby the nation should have existed from time immemorial and its attributes should be stable and firm. After World War II, both the Chinese government and Uyghur leaders in Xinjiang fighting against that government adopted this Soviet-inspired concept of a united Uyghur nation, and it was also adopted by Uyghurs in post-Soviet Kyrgyzstan and Kazakhstan. States have the capacity to construct new nations, but other factors (geographic, political, cultural and intercommunal) can nullify or amplify these efforts. This is evident in southern Kyrgyzstan, where coexistence with Uzbeks has led to the assimilation of the Uyghurs, while in the north the Uyghurs have maintained their cultural characteristics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since 2016 the mistreatment of Uyghurs, a Turkic Muslim minority living in their homeland in northwest China, by the People's Republic of China has been taken to extreme levels. Uyghurs now are clearly victims of genocidal policies through internment of all types. The total internment of Uyghurs involves physical, psychological and virtual internments. In this article, I discuss the issue in three parts, namely internment camps for Uyghurs, urban internment and virtual internment. While all of them have both physical and psychological aspects, the last two are based on an Orwelian use of surveillance technologies for the purpose of large-scale persecution and suppression of Uyghurs with the intention of achieving a China with one homogenous culture. The total internment which is currently being carried out has two main motives: Islamophobia and the crucial geo-strategical position of the Uyghur homeland. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In July 2009, nearly 200 people were killed in ethnically targeted mass violence between Turkic-speaking Muslim Uyghurs and Han Chinese in Urumqi, overshadowing the 60th anniversary of the founding of the People's Republic of China (PRC). How have ethnic relations between Han and Uyghurs descended into mass violence among ordinary people? This paper argues that the party-state exacerbates ethnic tensions between Han and Uyghurs through ethnocentric security narratives. These narratives frame China's identity as being under threat from Turkic enemies within who are supported by Islamic terrorists and Western "enemies of China" from outside. Discourse analysis of official texts, participant-observation of security practices, and interviews with Han and Uyghurs reveal the interplay between official identity discourses and everyday security practices before, during and after the violence. Since July 2009, one official solution to ethnic violence has been the construction of a shared multi-ethnic identity, officially described as a "zero-sum political struggle of life or death." However, Han-centric conceptualizations of ethnic unity promote Han chauvinism and portray the Uyghur as a security threat. The party-state thus creates hierarchical ethnic relations that exacerbate both Han and Uyghur insecurities and contribute to spirals of violence. China's extra-judicial internment camps in Xinjiang are the logical conclusions of the ethnocentric insecurity cycles analysed in this article. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The goal of this paper is to present an explanation of why the Muslim governments largely abstained from even bringing up the Uyghur case with China, while the Rohingya issue provoked official condemnations by the governments in many Muslim countries. Although economic factors are most often consulted internationally, this article puts forward political factors as sufficient to explain the Muslim governments' responses to the Xinjiang issue – primarily the domestic politics, and secondarily seeking of strategic alternatives to balance the West. In the context of hybrid political regimes in many Muslim countries, the domestic public opinion played an important role in deciding whether the government would address the issue. Effectively only Turkey presents the case where the public pays attention to the Uyghurs, and the government felt obliged to raise the issue at least to some extent. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Since spring 2017, the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region in China has witnessed the emergence of an unprecedented re-education campaign. According to media and informant reports, untold thousands of Uyghurs and other Muslims have been and are being detained in clandestine political re-education facilities, with major implications for society, local economies and ethnic relations. Considering that the Chinese state is currently denying the very existence of these facilities, this paper investigates publicly available evidence from official sources, including government websites, media reports and other Chinese internet sources. First, it briefly charts the history and present context of political re-education. Second, it looks at the recent evolution of re-education in Xinjiang in the context of 'de-extremification' work. Finally, it evaluates detailed empirical evidence pertaining to the present re-education drive. With Xinjiang as the 'core hub' of the Belt and Road Initiative, Beijing appears determined to pursue a definitive solution to the Uyghur question. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As a secularist state, China has always been highly sensitive about religious traditions, particularly Islam. During the late 1990s and especially after the 9/11 terrorist events, the government rhetoric has been to equate the Islamic knowledge and identity with violent ethnic separatism, and more recently extremism and terrorism (Roberts, 2016, 2018). Thus, the Uyghurs' right to access Islamic knowledge and practice Islam has been increasingly restricted and diminished (Cook, 2017; Millward, 2018). After reviewing the recent history of Chinese rhetoric and policies regarding the religious education in Xinjiang, this article discusses the possible ramifications of such developments, via the lenses of postcolonialism, the Politics of Recognition (Taylor, 1994), the push and pull factors that trigger radicalization, and religious literacy. Meanwhile, through sharing the perspectives of the Uyghur diaspora in Canada, the author also highlights that current Chinese policies and practices could deepen the "us" vs. "them" dichotomy between the Muslim Uyghurs and the majority Han population as well as the Chinese state, therefore creating more tension in society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Free fatty acids (FFAs) participate in a variety of physiological functions. FFAs are associated with the development of type 2 diabetes mellitus (T2DM). Uyghurs and Kazaks have a different prevalence of T2DM, which cannot be explained by traditional risk factors. This study aimed to examine FFAs as potential biomarkers to distinguish between healthy and T2DM Uyghurs and Kazaks. This was a prospective study conducted at the Xianjiang Medical University from 01/2007 to 06/2010 in Uyghurs and Kazaks. The subjects were grouped as T2DM patients (Uyghurs: n = 39; Kazaks, n = 21) and controls (Uyghurs: n = 35; Kazaks, n = 40). Gas chromatography-mass spectrometry (GCMS) and partial least squares discriminant analysis (PLS-DA) models were used to study the FFA profiles between Uyghurs and Kazaks with T2DM. PLS-DA analysis showed that among Kazaks, T2DM patients had lower C22:6, C18:3 n-6, and C20:3 n-6, but higher C22:0 levels compared with controls. Among Uyghurs, the most important variables to discriminate T2DM patients from controls were higher C22:6 and C20:4 n-6, and lower C22:0, C14:1, C18:3 n6, and C20:3 n6. Kazaks and Uyghurs displayed different FFA profiles between patients with T2DM and controls. These results suggest different risk factors and pathogenesis of T2DM between Kazaks and Uyghurs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1949, illiteracy among both Uyghurs and Tibetans was similar to that throughout China and estimated as higher than 90%. Since then, the rate of illiteracy in Xinjiang has shrunk considerably, while in Tibet it has remained the highest in China. This gap can explain the difference between the small volume of literature published annually in Tibet and the extensive literature that appears yearly in Xinjiang. A major reason for the high literacy rate and the emergence of a thriving modern literature in Xinjiang is the system of modern education that developed in the region at the start of the twentieth century. In contrast, in Tibet, the religious conservatism of the Buddhist elite prevented the introduction of modern education in order to retain local cultures. The comparison of the influences of modern education on the creation of literary traditions allows us to examine the continuity of Uyghur and Tibetan cultures in the context of contemporary China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article provides an overview of People’s Republic of China (PRC) counter-terrorism policies targeting Uyghurs since 2001 when the state first asserted that it faced a terrorist threat from this population. In reviewing these policies and their impact, it suggests that the state has gradually isolated and excluded Uyghurs from PRC society. Drawing on the writings of Michael Foucault, it articulates this gradual exclusion of Uyghurs as an expression of biopolitics where the Uyghur people as a whole have come to symbolize an almost biological threat to society that must be quarantined through surveillance, punishment, and detention. Rather than suggesting that these impacts of China’s “war on terror” coincide with the intent of state policy, the article argues that they are inevitable outcomes of labeling a given ethnic population as a terrorist threat in the age of the Global War on Terror. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Pan-Turkism emerged in the middle of the 19th century as an attempt to uniting all Turkic people along the Silk Road from the Mediterranean to China. After the ascent of modern Turkey under Mustafa Kemal as well as the Soviet incorporation of Central Asia, pan-Turkism had practically withered - although apparently not as an ideology. Indeed, the collapse of the Soviet Union and the subsequent independence of the Central Asia republics have provided for the revival of the pan-Turkism vision, perceived by Beijing as a threat not only to its interests in Central Asia but, moreover, to Xinjiang’s internal stability and China’s sovereignty. While this vision could hardly be accomplished, China’s intensive preoccupation with pan-Turkism has facilitated its artificial resuscitation, though it appears already deceased. Xi Jinping’s One Belt One Road initiative aims, among other things, at blocking pan-Turkism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on anthropological fieldwork conducted in the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region in China in 2016 and 2017, this article addresses the meanings of security from subjective perspectives by investigating Uyghur perceptions of marriage, which offer crucial insight into the meanings of security. The Uyghurs, as the major indigenous population in Xinjiang, have encountered securitization, particularly since the 2009 Ürümchi riots, deemed the worst ethnic conflict in the region since 1949. While official security practices based on stability have won the support of most Han Chinese citizens in and outside Xinjiang, these same security practices have penetrated to and influenced intimate Uyghur life, such as marriage. Uyghur participants in this research indicate that marriage is a social field in which the official counter-extremism campaign, individuals’ happiness (bext), and the security (bixeterlik) of the Uyghur collective identity encounter and negotiate with each other. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Stereotypes from the major nationality toward minorities constitute a widely concerning probleminmany countries. As reported by previous studies, stereotypes can be activated by media information that portrays the negative aspects of the target group. The current study focused on the neural basis of themodulation of negativemedia information on Han Chinese stereotypes toward Uyghurs by using event-related potentials. We employed the lexical decision task, in which participants were asked to categorize the presented word as positive or negative. Behavioral result showed that participants had a shorter reaction time to positive adjectives than to negative adjectives. The data of brain activity showed that compared with the Han condition, the Uyghurs condition elicited smaller N400 differences in the media priming group, whereas there was no significant N400 deflection difference between Han Chinese and Uyghurs in the control group. The current results suggested that the negative media information might influence their judgments toward other groups reflected in the deflection of N400 amplitude. Therefore, in order to mitigate or even eliminate stereotypes about national minorities, the effort of the media is important. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article argues, through a case study of the evolving impact of the Xinjiang and Uyghur issue, that the People’s Republic of China’s (PRC) ethnic minorities have been a significant factor in Beijing’s foreign relations throughout its history. Since the end of the Cold War in particular, China’s approach to the Xinjiang and Uyghur issue has played an important role in undergirding domestic stability and shaping its relations with Central Asia. More broadly, the case of Xinjiang and the Uyghur suggests that the nature and scale of the challenge posed by any one ethnic minority in the context of the PRC’s foreign policy has largely been a function of the interplay of five major factors: the historical relationship between the ethnic group and the Chinese state; the geographic concentration of an ethnic minority; the degree of acculturation to the dominant Han society; external great power support; and mobilised diasporas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses strategies of minority education currently in place in Xinjiang in the context of the second generation ethnic policy debate in China. The article argues that the 2009 ethnic riots in Xinjiang coupled with the change of leadership in China has significantly hardened the state’s approach to aggressively promoting Putonghua (standard Chinese). This policy is facing significant structural and political challenges in its implementation and acceptance in Xinjiang. The policy to universalise Putonghua in all Xinjiang schools is likely to produce more resistance to the statist agenda rather than resulting in the intended outcome of integration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]