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In this paper we argue that verb clusters in Dutch varieties are merged and linearized in fully ascending (1-2-3) or fully descending (3-2-1) orders. We argue that verb clusters that deviate from these orders involve non-verbal material: adjectival participles, or nominal infinitives. As a result, our approach does not involve any unmotivated movements that are specific for verb clusters. Support for our analysis comes from (i) the interpretation of verb clusters; (ii) the fact that order variation depends on the types of verbs involved, which can be explained by selectional requirements of the verbs; and (iii) the geographic co-occurrence patterns of various orders. First, the 1-3-2 and 3-1-2 orders are argued to be ascending orders with a non-verbal 3. Indeed these orders occur in grammars that have ascending, rather than descending, verb clusters. Secondly, the 1-3-2 order is argued to be an interrupted V1-V2 cluster with a non-verbal 3. Indeed, this order is most common in the region where non-verbal material can interrupt the verb cluster. Our analysis of word order variation in verb clusters in terms of principles of grammar is further supported by an experiment in which we asked a large number of speakers distributed over the Dutch language area to rank all logically possible orders, including orders that are not common in their own variety of Dutch. The results demonstrate that speakers apply their syntactic knowledge to rank verb cluster orders that they do not use themselves. We argue that this knowledge cannot be due to familiarity with the various orders. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this article is to briefly analyze the agreement patterns in Polish constructions with quantified subjects and participial/adjectival predicates. The analysis addresses two troublesome issues: the Genitive of Quantification, i.e., the source of Genitive on the nominal complement in structural contexts, and the optionality in agreement in case between the participial/adjectival predicate and the numeral (≥ 5) or the noun of the quantified subject. The essential part of the proposal is based on the nanosyntactic approach to the nature of case, i.e., the split Kase Phrase (Caha 2009, 2010). The analysis is concerned with the functional sequence of the extended nominal projection and its role in the syntactic derivation of case. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Highlights: [•] Most research on complement realisation has been concerned with verbs. [•] The article investigates the neglected area of adjectival valency. [•] The data consist of 181 polyvalent adjectives occurring in 956 patterns. [•] Predictability and the aspectual- and the causal approaches to complement realisation are assessed. [•] The findings support the view that valency belongs to the idiosyncratic aspects of language. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Within minimalism, we may assume derivations to involve subderivations, connected by the interface components dealing with sound and meaning (layered derivations). If so, complex adjectival constructions involving predicates like tough/easy (as in John is easy to please) receive a natural account in terms of re- analysis taking place at these interface components, turning a complex adjectival construction into a simplex adjective which can be merged in predicative or attributive position in the next derivation layer. Arguments against reanalysis address earlier, more complicated conceptions of reanalysis, and fail to distinguish plain and expanded tough-constructions, the latter not showing any reanalysis characteristics. In a layered-derivation cum reanalysis approach, the arguments for empty operator movement in the embedded infinitival clause disappear, and the reanalysed construction shows the properties of an adjectival passive instead. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: Chinese has a positive morpheme that has two allomorphs: a covert one and an overt one (i.e., the degree word hen). The former, behaving like a polarity item, only occurs in a predicate-accessible operator[-wh] domain with a structure like , where the head X0, carrying the predicate-accessible operator[-wh] feature, not only introduces a predicate-accessible operator[-wh] but also licenses the occurrence of a degree phrase headed by the covert positive morpheme (i.e., Deg0), while the latter in other contexts. Having this as basis, I propose a condition on saturating Chinese gradable adjectives through which the bifurcated use of the ‘unmarked’ form of Chinese gradable adjectives can be well captured. Besides, the obligatory overt realization of a covert positive morpheme occurring in a predicate-accessible operator[-wh] domain, when the predicative adjective is substituted for by a pro-form, further implies that Chinese has an adjectival structure simpler than English. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

The article presents a study on the unified account of the cross-linguistic variation in the encoding of adjectives in prediative and attributive constructions using a unified optimality theoretic account. Accordingly, languages might be dissimilar in the encoding strategy of adjectives in the predicative domain, and there are instances that the strategy could be changed in the attributive domain. The interaction on faithfulness to the semantic class of a lexical root, and the faithfulness to discourse functions is also discussed in details.

The article discusses the distribution and construction of the Ukrainian depictive adjectival predicates. It states that the Ukrainian depictive secondary predicates are accounted to semantic and syntax patterns of the case-marking dichotomy. The author has presented three sections to describe the semantic motivation behind the case-marking opposition, the syntactic of depictives in Ukrainian and consists of some concluding remarks. It highlights the observation of the author regarding the same patterns of the Ukrainian and Russian predicates in terms of semantics of grammatical and morphological aspect.

The article examines the structure of resultative participles in English: participles that denote a state resulting from a prior event, such as The cake is flattened or The metal is hammered. The analysis identifies distinct stative participles that derive from the different heights at which aspectual morphemes attach in a verbalizing structure. The Aspect head involved in resultative participles is shown to attach to a vP that is also found in (a) the formation of deadjectival verbs and (b) verb phrases with resultative secondary predicates, like John hammered the metal flat. These distinct constructions are shown to have a shared structural subcomponent. The analysis proposed here is compared with Lexicalist approaches employing the verbal versus adjectival passive distinction. It is shown that a uniformly syntactic analysis of the participles is superior to the Lexicalist alternative. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]