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Many influential models of sentence production (e.g., Bock & Levelt, 1994; Kempen & Hoenkamp, 1987; Levelt, 1989) emphasize the central role of verbs in structural encoding, and thus predict that verbs should be selected early in sentence formulation, possibly even before the phonological encoding of the first constituent (Ferreira, 2000). However, the most direct experimental test of this hypothesis (Schriefers, Teruel, & Meinshausen, 1998) found no evidence for advance verb selection in verb-final (subject-verb and subject-object-verb) utterances in German. The current study, based on a multiword picture-word interference task (Meyer, 1996; Schriefers et al., 1998), demonstrates that in Japanese, a strongly verb-final language, verbs are indeed planned in advance, but selectively before object noun articulation and not before subject noun articulation. This contrasting pattern of advance verb selection may reconcile the motivation for advance verb selection in structural encoding while explaining the previous failures to demonstrate it. Potential mechanisms that might underlie this contrasting pattern of advance verb selection are discussed.

Five recall-based structural priming experiments tested the predictions about dative structural priming derived from a new theory of structure building in sentence production. When both prime and target sentences contained direct object filler-gap dependencies, repeating a dative verb enhanced dative priming (the lexical boost). In contrast, the lexical boost was not observed when only target sentences contained object filler-gap dependencies. Additionally, the lexical boost was not observed when prime and target sentences contained object filler-gap dependencies but had mismatching tenses/aspects. In contrast, when neither prime nor target sentences contained object filler-gap dependencies, the lexical boost was observed despite prime and target sentences having different tenses/aspects. These findings confirm the unique set of predictions of the proposed theory, which posits that the size of compositional units is affected by the dependency structures of sentences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Linguistic analyses suggest that there are two types of intransitive verbs: unaccusatives, whose sole argument is a patient or theme (e.g., fall), and unergatives, whose sole argument is an agent (e.g., jump). 1 Past psycholinguistic experiments suggest that this distinction affects how sentences are processed: for example, it modulates both comprehension processes ( Bever and Sanz 1997 , Friedmann et al. 2008 ) and production processes ( Kegl 1995 , Kim 2006 , M. Lee and Thompson 2004 , J. Lee and Thompson 2011 , McAllister et al. 2009 ). Given this body of evidence, it is reasonable to assume, as we do here, that this distinction is directly relevant to psycholinguistic theorizing. However, especially in production, exactly how this distinction affects processing is unknown, beyond the suggestion that unaccusatives somehow involve more complex processing than unergatives (see J. Lee and Thompson 2011 ). Here we examine how real-time planning processes in production differ for unaccusatives and unergatives. We build on previous studies on lookahead effects in sentence planning that show that verbs are planned before a deep object is uttered but not before a deep subject is uttered ( Momma, Slevc, and Phillips 2015 , 2016 ). (We use terms like deep subject in a theory-neutral fashion, with no intended commitment to a specific syntactic encoding.) This line of research sheds light on the broader issue of how the theory of argument structure relates to sentence production. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Many influential models of sentence production (e.g., Bock & Levelt, 1994; Kempen & Hoenkamp, 1987; Levelt, 1989) emphasize the central role of verbs in structural encoding, and thus predict that verbs should be selected early in sentence formulation, possibly even before the phonological encoding of the first constituent (Ferreira, 2000). However, the most direct experimental test of this hypothesis (Schriefers, Teruel, & Meinshausen, 1998) found no evidence for advance verb selection in verb-final (subject-verb and subject-object-verb) utterances in German. The current study, based on a multiword picture-word interference task (Meyer, 1996; Schriefers et al., 1998), demonstrates that in Japanese, a strongly verb-final language, verbs are indeed planned in advance, but selectively before object noun articulation and not before subject noun articulation. This contrasting pattern of advance verb selection may reconcile the motivation for advance verb selection in structural encoding while explaining the previous failures to demonstrate it. Potential mechanisms that might underlie this contrasting pattern of advance verb selection are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Some word-order alternations observed across the world's languages are constrained by specific verb choice, whereas one type of word-order alternation (i.e., scrambling) frequently seen in free word order languages is not lexically-dependent on the verb. Three novel-language learning experiments explore whether speakers latently respect this generalization. If learners show conservativeness that closely reflects statistics from the input, then it would support usage-based and statistical accounts; alternatively, if learners have linguistic biases that allow them to generalize beyond statistics and show generalization similar to typological patterns, then it would support an internal bias account. In each of the three experiments, two groups of English monolinguals learned a Korean-English hybrid language with structural alternations analogous to those found in different categories of natural languages, as defined by whether the language allows scrambling and whether alternations are lexically-dependent on the verb. Learners' generalization patterns in subsequent picture description and acceptability judgment tasks were analyzed. Comprehension data consistently showed that the group which learned alternations found in natural languages with relatively rigid word orders tended to be more verb-wise conservative than the group that learned alternations found in languages with relatively free word orders. Production data trended in the same direction as the comprehension data. Thus, our results suggest that learners have linguistic biases that mirror typological differences that help learners go beyond simple statistics tracking. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The current study examines how speakers plan sentences in which two words that form hierarchical dependency relationships - arguments and verbs - appear far apart in linear distance, to investigate how linear and hierarchical aspects of sentences simultaneously shape sentence planning processes. The results of six extended picture-word interference experiments suggest that speakers retrieve sentence-final verbs before the articulation of their sentence-initial patient or theme arguments, but not agent arguments, and before retrieving sentence-medial nouns inside modifiers. These results suggest that the time-course of sentence planning reflects hierarchically-defined dependency relationships over and above linear structure. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We report two experiments that suggest that syntactic category plays a key role in limiting competition in lexical access in speaking. We introduce a novel sentence-picture interference (SPI) paradigm, and we show that nouns (e.g., running as a noun) do not compete with verbs (e.g., walking as a verb) and verbs do not compete with nouns in sentence production, regardless of their conceptual similarity. Based on this finding, we argue that lexical competition in production is limited by syntactic category. We also suggest that even complex words containing category-changing derivational morphology can be stored and accessed together with their final syntactic category information. We discuss the potential underlying mechanism and how it may enable us to speak relatively fluently. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The current study examines how speakers plan sentences in which two words that form hierarchical dependency relationships - arguments and verbs - appear far apart in linear distance, to investigate how linear and hierarchical aspects of sentences simultaneously shape sentence planning processes. The results of six extended picture-word interference experiments suggest that speakers retrieve sentence-final verbs before the articulation of their sentence-initial patient or theme arguments, but not agent arguments, and before retrieving sentence-medial nouns inside modifiers. These results suggest that the time-course of sentence planning reflects hierarchically-defined dependency relationships over and above linear structure. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]