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A diagram in the first quire of the Codex Amiatinus features five textual captions arranged in cruciform formation, one for each book of the Pentateuch. These are taken from Jerome's first letter to Paulinus of Nola (Epistle 53) which was written in 394 AD. This essay examines the diagram's colours, geometric structure, manuscript location and script. It suggests that the Pentateuch diagram should be regarded as a highly original piece of visual exegesis which is designed to celebrate the contribution made by Jerome to the transmission of the Latin Bible and point the viewer towards typological interpretations of Old Testament figures and events.

Migrating from Greek mythology to scripture and ecclesiastical writing, sirens are best known for the perils they put on the road of Odysseus, and conversely, on that of the crucified Christ and on that of the pilgrim, two significations that Odysseus, the eternal voyageur tied to the mast, came to symbolize in the Middle Ages. Long acknowledged in past scholarship, the siren motif was perceived of as a multi-layered image, whose negative Homeric connotations suited an even vaster range of destructive meanings, moral, social and political. More than sheer misogyny, the hybrid sirens represent violation of social order, mainly that of the manly world. It is therefore no coincidence to find them dwelling in the biblical debauched town of Babylon, and in the land of Edom, destined to be destroyed, alongside hybrid centaurs, both in the Septuagint and in the Vulgate. These beasts gained much popularity throughout the Middle Ages, and embody the ultimate significance of evil in the medieval bestiary, as well as in a wide-ranging exegetical literature. This development may stand for the immense dispersion of the siren motif in Romanesque sculpture. Meant at an edifying purpose, sirens associated with urban destruction, lust, and avarice, signify the menace of sin they seduce humanity to fall into. The virtuous Christian, recognizing the long-enduring classical motif in its new Christian context should take the paradigm of Odysseus in his Christological typology, and restrain from evil. Though constituting a rather popular motif of Romanesque sculpture in general, sirens seem to inhabit many of the churches of the Auvergne and the Velay regions of France, along pilgrimage shrines, located lengthwise the Via Podiensis and crosswise routes, thus forming a marked feature of the local imagery. More than sheer enthusiasm for the antique, as past scholarship would have it, sirens seem to have chanted a very specific local chant in Auvergne-Velay. Constituting a major motif, which testifies to a profound understanding of their contextual implications, they represent a multifaceted image, denoting didactic, apotropaic, liturgical, social, and political messages. The context of pilgrimage and pilgrimage roads seems to have constituted a perfect setting for this multitude of sirens. The Via Podiensis was known as particularly uninviting. The mountainous topography, infested with thieves and brigands, provided lucrative opportunities of ambushing pilgrims on their way. It is the purpose of this paper to uncover the versatile imports of the siren antique motif in Romanesque Auvergne-Velay, by pointing out their meticulous perplexing delineation in the context of actual hardships pilgrims and congregants endured within pilgrimage shrines and roads. The first part of this paper will survey the range of allegorical significances of sirens from Homer to Jerome and to medieval exegeses, followed by a description of sirens in Auvergne-Velay. Then, I would like to suggest a new reading of the particular rendering of sirens in the small church of Pont-du-Château and in the pilgrimage church of Notre-Dame of Orcival, which may bear a local historical significance, resulting from the conflicting situations of pilgrims, on their way to worship the celestial realm.

Za antičko rimsko društvo, kao i antički svet u celini je karakteristično patrijarhalno društveno uređenje u kojem su žene podređene muškarcima. Muškarci vode, odlučuju, kontrolišu i nadziru sve društvene segmente, uključujući i živote žena. Seksualni moral rimskog društva karakteriše dvostruki standard po pitanju muške i ženske seksualnosti. Muškarčeva seksualnost se ne ograničava i ne sputava, dok se od žena očekuje uzdržanost u seksu. Muškarčeva moć i njegov društevni ugled se ogledaju, između ostalog, u tome koliko uspešno on kontroliše seksualnost žena koje su mu podređene (kćeri, supruge, sestre, majka). U tаkvom društvu nepriličnim je smаtrаn sаmo onаj seksualni odnos koji kаljа ugled muškarca koji se nalazi na čelu porodice. Iz istog je uglа posmаtrаnа i preljubа. Rimsko prаvo definiše preljubu (adulterium) kаo vаnbrаčni odnos udаte žene, to jest, odnos sа njom. Sаmo su nevernа suprugа i njen ljubаvnik podlegаli društvenoj osudi i zаkonskim sаnkcijаmа, dok su muževljeve vаnbrаčne аvаnture generаlno bile prihvаtljive, i nisu bile kаžnjive... Ancient Roman society, as well as the ancient world in general, was characterised by a patriarchal social system in which women were subordinate to men. Men were the ones in charge; they made decisions, controlled and supervised all social aspects, including the lives of women. Sexual morality of the Roman society was characterised by double standards when it came to male and female sexuality. Male sexuality was not to be limited or restrained, whereas women were expected to show restraint in sex. A man’s power and his social reputation were reflected, among other things, in his success of exerting control over the sexuality of women who were his subordinates (daughters, wives, sisters, mother). In such a society, the only improper sexual relationship for a man was the one that tarnished the reputation of a man who was the head of a family. The same standards were also applied to adultery. Roman law defines adultery (adulterium) as extramarital relationship of a married woman, i.e. intercourse with such a woman). Only the adulterous wife and her lover were subjected to public condemnation and legal sanctions, whereas the husband’s extramarital activities were acceptable and did not entail punishment...

In 2009, the Evangeliar was published in Luxembourgish for the first time, containing the most-read Gospels of the Roman-Catholic liturgical tradition.In the introductory part, this thesis describes the historical, ecclesiastical, national, as well as linguistic background within which the faithful practised their religion from 1815 to the present day. Following on from there, it elucidates the influence of the Roman-Catholic church, as an institution, on contemporary biblical and liturgical translations, including the Evangeliar. This influence can originate from within the practice of Magisterium, scriptural tradition, or liturgical usage.In the second chapter, the translation of Mark 1, 1-45 is revised verse for verse in order to discuss the method as well as the criteria used in its development, with the aim of revealing traps of various kinds: linguistic, exegetical, theological, maybe even cultural, and furthermore to sound out the limitations of a translation into Luxembourgish of the Gospels. The conclusion, in which the various inquiry elements converge, also contains several elements conducive to further research on the translation of μετανοέω and of μετάνοια in general and in the Evangeliar in particular., En 2009 fut édité l’Evangeliar, la première traduction en luxembourgeois des évangiles lus pendant la liturgie de l’Église latine. Dans l’introduction, la présente thèse décrit le contexte historique, ecclésial et national, et la situation des langues dans laquelle les fidèles catholiques ont pratiqué leur religion de 1815 à nos jours. Ensuite, cette étude s’enquiert de l’influence de l’institution Église sur les traductions bibliques liturgiques actuelles, y compris l’Evangeliar. Cette influence peut s’exercer par le Magistère, par la tradition scripturaire ou par l’usage liturgique.Dans le deuxième chapitre, la traduction de Mc 1, 1-45 est revue verset par verset pour discuter la méthode et les critères retenus dans son élaboration. Ceci afin de déceler les pièges linguistiques, exégétiques, théologiques, voire culturels et de sonder les limites d’une traduction des évangiles en luxembourgeois. Dans la conclusion, où convergent les différentes pistes suivies dans la thèse, sont intégrés certains éléments en vue d’une recherche ultérieure sur la traduction de μετανοέω et de μετάνοια en général et dans l’Evangeliar plus particulièrement.

Con autorización de la revista para autores CSIC, [EN] The Latin Vulgate is central for the Complutensian Polyglot Bible. Here we have the first critical edition of a corpus like this that is considered as a whole work of Jerome, although it consists os texts from different ages and backgrounds, jeronimian and no jeronimian (Vetus Latina). For fourteen centuries since the first Latin translations appeared, perhaps orally, until the Polyglot, Latin Bibles were subjected to tension between plurality and unity, ancient and new text, Greek or Hebrew canon. The Vulgate of the Polyglot is only one stage in this history, but its textual criticism model was an example to follow in future., [ES] La Vulgata latina ocupa un lugar central en la Biblia Poliglotan Complutense. En ella tenemos la primera edición crítica de un corpus como éste que, aunque atribuido en su conjunto a Jerónimo, está formado por textos de diversas épocas y procedencias, jeronimianos y no jerominianos (Vetus Latina). Durante catorce siglos, desde que surgieron las priemras traducciones latinas, quizá en forma oral, hasta la Poliglota, las biblías latinas estuvieron sometidas a tensiones entre pluralidad y unidad, textos antiguos y textos nuevos, y canon griego y canon hebreo. La Vulgata de la Políglota es solo un estadio en esta historia, pero su modelo crítico textual fue un ejemplo a seguir en el futuro

El autor propone una nueva identificación del "profecta" mencionado en la tercera copla del Libro de buen amor. Según su hipótesis, no se trataría ni de Daniel ni de Jeremías, sino del rey David., The author proposes a new identification of the "profecta" mentioned in the third stanza of the Libro de Buen Amor. He argues that the expression refers neilher to Daniel nor to Jeremiah, but to King David.