Search

The war in Ukraine has opened a Pandora's Box of internationalization concerns that, heretofore, took a backseat to concerns with the effectiveness and sustainability of the field. In analyzing the impact of the war on international higher education, scholars offered various assessments of the conflict's effects, especially in the combatant countries and post-Soviet Eurasia: e.g., the disruption of organizational forms and methods of internationalization in Ukraine, the forced relocation of international students and faculty, and the creation of special programs to accommodate transferring international students from Russian and Ukrainian universities. Each of these assessments catches aspects of the emerging reality. Yet, they miss a crucial change that the war has triggered: ideational change regarding the rationales, norms, and values that underpin internationalization and shape the behavior of states and other related actors. Through this work, I advance this line of inquiry and examine its problematic implications for policy and practice.

The Russia-Ukraine conflict has significantly impacted the outbound student mobility of Russian students. This paper highlights and explains the positive role virtual student mobility can play in shaping and sustaining the international education aspirations of Russian students amidst the entangled geopolitical and financial crises. Drawing upon the Aspirations-Capabilities framework of migration, the notion of mobility capital, and different states of (im)mobility, the study analyses 16 semi-structured, in-depth interviews conducted with Russian students who participated in various forms of virtual mobility in 2020-2023. The findings reveal that virtual mobility can bolster Russian students' capacity to aspire to international studies despite the mobility-suppressing climate by acting as a 'rite of passage' en route to international education, increasing language confidence, and challenging media portrayals of hostility towards Russian students. The richness of the virtual mobility experience in terms of communication with foreign teachers and students plays a key role in activating this affordance.

Purpose: Following globalisation, a rich literature on global citizenship education developed (Akkari & Maleq 2020; Goren & Yemini 2017). However, recent developments in international politics prompt us to ask whether global citizenship education gives young people a grasp of the international world. We argue that global citizenship education theory must be supplemented because it does not provide much guidance to help young people understand international politics properly. Design/methodology/approach: We discuss how theories of global citizenship education conceptualise international conflicts and how three theories on international politics offer supplementary conceptions and perspectives. Findings: Global citizenship education should be supplemented with theories of international politics. Research limitations/implications: Our analysis only indicates some implications for global citizenship education, and further research on the didactical implications is required. Practical implications: Global citizenship education must rely on a wider set of theories to prepare the students for understanding global issues.

Purpose: This research explores the pivotal role of educational research in supporting democratic civic education amid armed conflict. The study uses the recent experiences in Israel to examine how research can maintain democratic values and foster reconciliation during tumultuous times, aiming to illuminate the transformative capabilities of academic inquiry in crisis contexts. Approach: The research adopts a semi-empirical, exploratory design that evolved from ongoing events. Personal testimonies from a diverse group of seven students were analyzed for overarching theoretical themes. Findings: The analysis reveals that educational research during conflict may act as a critical, transformative tool, highlighting substantial challenges in maintaining civic engagement and democratic education. It underscores the dual role of research in understanding and actively addressing the complexities of armed conflict. Practical implications: The findings stress the need for educational public scholarship and international collaboration to support democratic education, highlighting the crucial role of researchers in shaping educational practices during crises.

During the last decade, the Syrian crisis has, in various ways, imposed many fundamental changes upon Syrian society. It has pervaded cultural issues at large with a major effect on education. Ideologies, schooling, mass media, human relationships, and mutual understanding, all have been the target of fierce upheaval. This article examines the question of how much this crisis has affected the music education system, especially for children, who are its silent victims. Is there a big difference in music education and its delivery prior to 2011 and since? Which methods do teachers now have to use when they teach and how much are these methods far and free from politics? Does music serve special goals and ideologies? To answer these questions, I wrote a short historical review about the Syrian education system, and interviewed three music teachers who studied in and currently work in Syria for the purpose of obtaining their feedback of the status of teaching/learning music in Syria. To document and support my work I included and analyzed some publicly available videos. The aim of this research work was to investigate to what extent the music curricula are appropriate for primary education especially in this time of crisis; and ascertain whether they resonate with Syrian children's conditions and provide some positive influence during the difficult time that the country current experience.

In the context of martial law in Ukraine, the educational sector has faced unprecedented challenges, particularly in the realm of preschool education. This paper presents a case study of the Zakarpattia Institute of Postgraduate Pedagogical Education and its rapid response to transform its curriculum to support preschool educators in these trying times. Through a comprehensive review of the curriculum changes, the study documents how the Institute has tailored its educational offerings to foster peace, cultivate a culture of peace and tolerance, and empower educators with critical thinking skills necessary for decision-making in crisis conditions. The paper explores the significant shifts in teaching strategies, content delivery, and psychological support mechanisms that have been implemented to address the pressing needs of educators. These adaptations are crucial not only for immediate conflict resolution but also for the long-term objective of building a peaceful society. By enhancing the quality of education for teachers, the study underscores the Institute's role in shaping a future that is resilient, educated, and peace-oriented for Ukraine and beyond.

With the development of computer and internet technologies, new media has become indispensable to daily life in the digital age. The concept of public opinion, which is at the centre of many research topics in the field of communication, has also interacted with new media in this context. Thus, new media tools have begun to be seen as critical elements in the processes of public opinion formation. This study aims to investigate how new media affects public opinion formation processes in the Turkish Republic and to contribute to the relevant literature. The most important result of the study is that in the postmodern age, new media is one of the dominant elements that direct the thoughts and attitudes of individuals in the public opinion formation processes. Another critical finding in the study is that the use of new media in the Turkic Republics increases yearly. In this context, digital diplomacy has begun to be used more intensively among member countries. Finally, in the current conjuncture, new media has a strategic importance in disseminating propaganda materials, and young people in the Turkish Republic are the segment of society that uses new media most actively in public opinion formation processes.

Purpose: The article explores the roles of war and violent conflicts in citizenship education. Approach: This is a theoretical article, drawing on literature from the interdisciplinary fields of political science, history, citizenship education as well as field studies in different learning arenas, war memorial sites- and museums. Findings: There are divergent roles of war in citizenship education, and the typology of five didactic perspectives illustrates the challenges concerning the types of citizenship it aims at. Narratives of war could produce and contribute to different forms of citizenship or even represent the opposite of the concept. Research limitations: Further empirical research is needed to develop knowledge on how to deal with war and conflict in educational practice, both in schools and other learning arenas. Practical implications: The article contributes to addressing and structuring the challenges and potentials of didactic approaches to war and violent conflict in citizenship education.

This paper represents one of the most recent and pertinent studies conducted in Afghanistan, aiming to address the societal imperative of comprehending the factors behind the fall of the Republic government and the subsequent rise of the Taliban to power. Furthermore, the paper seeks to analyse public attitudes towards the current situation. Employing a quantitative approach, the research utilizes a descriptive-analytical method through questionnaires and the participants include social media activist, students and universities professors, the data collected by online survey according WhatsApp, Facebook messengers, telegram, email and other social media groups from different ethnic groups. The findings of this research have identified several pivotal factors contributing to the ascent of the Taliban to power, including the US-Taliban agreement in Doha, Qatar; political disparities; administrative and financial corruption within the Republic's administration; Pakistan's support for the Taliban; the previous government's accord with the Taliban; ethnic dominance; robust military morale of the Taliban; and proficient war management by the Taliban. Afghanistan, as a multi-ethnic society, witnesses political dynamics predominantly rooted in ethnic affiliations. The majority of respondents express dissatisfaction with the current Afghan situation, displaying significant concerns for the populace. Foremost concerns, in terms of prioritization, encompass poverty; closure of girls' schools; restrictions on women's education and employment; escalation of civil unrest; mono-ethnic rule; ethnic conflicts; emergence of ISIS; ethnic marginalization; violations of citizenship rights; political participation and legitimacy crises; and authoritarianism. Consequently, to address the political crisis and establish a viable system, the research concludes that while Pashtuns lean toward a centralized system, Hazaras, Tajiks, Uzbeks, and Turkmens evince greater interest in a decentralized structure.

This paper argues that access to quality education and skills development programs for refugees, returnees and Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) is not only one of the fundamental human rights that states and non-state actors have obligations to fulfill; it is also an integral part of sustainable development efforts which will have significant contributions to socio-economic transformation in host countries, countries of origin and countries of destinations in the event that refugees become migrant, which is sometimes the case. The Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD) region, consisting of eight member states, namely, Djibouti, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Kenya, Somalia, South Sudan, Sudan and Uganda, host more than 13 million forcibly displaced people. This results from protracted and devastating conflicts; drought and famine and other natural or man-made calamities. Within the IGAD region, Somalia, South Sudan and Sudan produce 80 to 90% of displacement due to protracted civil wars. However, almost all the member states have refugees, IDPs or migrants sheltered in their territories. Access to higher education among refugees, returnees and IDPs is very low at only 3% compared to 36% globally. The figure for Africa is still dismal, at less than 1%; and the same holds true for the IGAD region. In an effort to address this major challenge facing these population categories, the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD) convened a high level regional (Ministerial Conference) on refugee education held in Djibouti, 12-14 December 2017. That Conference adopted what is now called the Djibouti declaration and Plan of Action for refugee education in the IGAD region. The major purpose of this paper was is to outline the refugee situations in general and the state of higher education in the region in particular.

The current assessment of the state of political division in the United States is foreboding. Americans are more divided than any time since the Civil War, leaving some to opine that these differences may be irreconcilable. This speculative analysis takes seriously as its point of departure the position of a growing number of American commentators and policy experts who argue that the United States exhibits many of the risk factors that could lead to another civil war. Some commentators have advocated breaking up the union to preempt this outcome. The critical analysis within this article draws upon historical analogies from states partitioned during the 20th century, such as the Soviet Union, Yugoslavia, Czechoslovakia, Palestine, and India. These comparisons are used to evaluate proposals for a geographical sundering of the United States into Red and Blue Americas. My analysis highlights how any kind of national dissolution, though appealing to some at first glance, would be more politically complex, demographically fraught, and possibly no less violent than the alternative of civil conflict.

Ethiopia and Sudan are only the latest cases in more than 20 African countries that have burst into civil wars over the last 40 years. Tribalism is viewed as a leading cause of the conflicts in Africa. The overall objective of this paper is to determine how the educational systems of Africa might be reformed along the lines of sociological thinking and harnessed into a mitigative force against the retrograde effects of tribalism. I propose that Benedict Anderson's concept of imagined communities, which argues that all identities are socially constructed, will have a detribalising effect on African children if deployed in school history textbooks. The rationale is that atavistic tribal sentiments stem from false beliefs about the importance and sacredness of each tribe as indoctrinated by elders. The puncturing of the myths surrounding the sacredness of the origins and greatness of the tribe through the concept of imagined communities would lead to disillusionment about tribal distinctiveness and significance. This conceptual paper adopts an autoethnographic qualitative methodological approach. It augments the researcher's lived experience with the analysis of history and the literature to understand the intellectual potential of the concept of imagined communities to detribalise African children. The failure to stem tribalism in Africa stems from the failure of the school system to expose African children to critical thinking about tribal narratives. African and Africanist sociologists have already revealed the myths of our tribal distinctions. However, this study is the first to focus on African children in the classroom exposed to detribalisation in light of the concept of imagined communities.

Student-teacher relationships are a key element of schooling that affect students' well-being. This is especially true in conflict-affected contexts. However, there is little research on which dimensions of the relationship are most important for student well-being in such contexts, and even fewer studies deploying cross-country methodology. This study addresses that gap by drawing from multi-site comparative case studies including interviews with 75 students from multiple schools in displacement settings in South Sudan and Uganda during four field visits in 2019. We identify four salient dimensions of student-teacher relationships that are associated with student well-being in both countries. The first dimension is teachers' fulfilment of expectations related to their role as educators. The second is how teachers expressed and enacted care for learners. The third dimension is how teachers and learners expressed respect for each other. The fourth dimension is how comfortable learners felt in seeking help from their teachers.

Using data from its national university entrance exam, we examined the relationship between armed conflict and student achievement in Afghanistan. Exploiting the province-year variation in exposure to conflict intensity, we estimated the relationship between conflict and exam results generally and by gender for all test takers from 2014-2019. Findings show that a one standard deviation increase in conflict intensity at the province-year level was associated with a 2.9 percentage point reduction in the probability of passing the exam, a 0.096 score point reduction in total exam scores, and a greater detrimental impact on women's exam results.

This article reflects on tensions arising in multiple perspectives approaches as they are deployed in response to histories of atrocity and conflict. We call attention to the ways that multiple perspectives intersect with the challenges posed by competing memories of violence and questions of responsibility. Focusing on a peace education programme that sought to work with 'complex' perpetrator histories in Cambodia, we explore how peace education can produce its intended aims of building dialogue and empathy across groups while, coextensively, enabling space for potentially harmful forms of historical revisionism. We show how the multi-perspectivity in peace education can be misaligned with the subjectivities that it seeks to reconcile or dignify in the present and reflect on the need for peace educators to develop approaches that move beyond the presentation of 'perspective' and identity as synonymous. We conclude by calling attention to other potential figurations of "shared responsibility" within peace education.

Peace museums play an important role in peace education by offering visitors informal and non-formal education. As sites of remembrance, peace museums are rich pedagogical spaces for experiential learning and reflection. Educating children in the spirit of peace, tolerance and harmony between nations has been central to the work of the Museum of Peace in Rivne in Ukraine. Whilst peace museums usually engage in peacebuilding and memory making in times of peace, post conflict, this article reports on the work of the Museum in Rivne in a time of war. Wartime brings difficult questions about engaging in peacebuilding in the face of military aggression and about sustaining memory-making work when violent conflict makes memories too immediate and painful. As explained in the article, the reinvigorated peacebuilding effort at the Museum in Rivne demonstrates that, in a time of war, it is even more important to promote peace, in opposition to war. Through the annual event 'I Vote for Peace', the Museum has sought to create a network of schools committed to global tolerance and peacekeeping, as well as offer Ukrainian children a space for talking about their experiences and their hope for a peaceful future.

This article demonstrates how stories serve as effective methodology when scrutinizing the meaning of social and political conflicts in diverse classrooms. I base my argument on a story about a distressing conflict among students from different ethnic, and national backgrounds occurring in an academic course at an Israeli college. A detailed description of the clash, which eventually evolved into a moment of mutual support and solidarity, provides a sense of immediacy and verisimilitude, and thus is the best way to introduce the dynamic, messy reality of the classroom. Moreover, I argue that story-like documentation may well expose social and political processes and subtleties better than any thin report and theoretical analysis and can form an archive of hope amid seemingly social and political estrangement and despair.

The global COVID-19 pandemic has passed. This process required greater attention and care to the specifics of the organization of distance learning and the resolution of problems that arose for participants in the educational process. By late 2021 face-to-face teaching was returning but Russian aggression against Ukraine interrupted the comparatively carefree life of children and hindered access to kindergartens and schools which required a further focus on remote education. The paper outlines the peculiarities of the organization of distance learning under martial law in Ukraine and presents the problems of the organization of training during a time of conflict as well as the challenges presented by Internet platforms for the organization of the distance learning approaches recommended by the Ministry of Education of Ukraine. The aim of the research was theoretical analysis and generalization of literature on research problems, pedagogical observations, surveys, methods of mathematical statistics. The article provides one of the first analyses of the difficulties faced during this period of immense disruption based on empirical data and explains to what extent Ukrainian teachers under martial law have the possibility to organize distance teaching, what problems they face, what is the psychological state of children.

The war in Ukraine, which began on February 24, 2022, has led to a significant civilian involvement in Israel, particularly among immigrants from the former Soviet Union, who began to provide humanitarian assistance, including interpreting. Highlighting the interrelation between translation and migration, I argue that the war strongly affects multiple hybrid identities of immigrant-interpreters who along with interlingual translation engage also in processes of cultural (self-re)translation. Scholarly attention for such experiences has been relatively limited, since most research on interpreting in war and conflict has prioritized interpreter experiences within war struck regions. Little attention has also been devoted to the work of (conference) interpreters who are themselves immigrants. In this autoethnographic study therefore, I present my own experience during the war as both an immigrant from Russia and a conference interpreter who works with Russian and Hebrew. I discuss several aspects pertinent to the immigrant-interpreter experience within and beyond the interpreting practice: being part of a collective of immigrants, involved in humanitarian assistance; negotiating the devaluation of Russian(ness); facing challenges to the (in)visibility, implied in the interpreter's role; and moving in-between the origin and the host countries.

In this article, we explore how people in conflict-affected societies use language to navigate the affective constraints that political conflicts impose. Specifically, we consider the role of multilingualism in enabling sexual and romantic intimacy between Jewish and Palestinian Israelis in Israel/Palestine. Our data are drawn from a close examination of the speech of Fadi Daeem, one of the protagonists in the 2015 documentary "Oriented." Building on studies of (in)securitization and everyday bordering, we show how the ongoing armed conflict between Israel and Palestine serves to instantiate a regime of affective checkpoints, a space in which sexual and romantic relations between Jewish Israelis and Palestinians are discursively blocked. We describe how Fadi and his friends use strategic instances of code-switching between Arabic, Hebrew, and English to navigate this ideologically fraught terrain. Our primary goal is to demonstrate how multilingualism can be employed as a resource for managing affect and desire in a conflict-ridden context like Israel/Palestine. In doing so, we further highlight how the intimate domain of romantic desire is inevitably situated within a broader matrix of power and constraint.

Little research has explored individuals' multilingual selves when learning a language other than English (LOTE) in conflict-affected situations. Therefore, this qualitative study sought to understand the motivation and ultimate vision of a group of internally displaced Syrians learning Turkish as an L3 or L4 in Afrin on the Syrian-Turkish border. The data were collected from the participants' written narratives and two subsequent rounds of individual online semi-structured interviews. The data suggest that the participants' desire to learn Turkish ranged from the need to secure a job in Afrin to reasons associated with achieving their ideal selves by imagining themselves working/studying at a Turkish university and being integrated into the Turkish community in future. The participants were proactive agents, recognising that attending Turkish private tutoring courses with under-qualified tutors was not sufficient to improve their language proficiency. They capitalised on the availability of technology-mediated learning artefacts and the support of some informal actors. This qualitative study has pedagogical implications and provides further evidence of the need for SLA research to serve all multilingual people, not just the privileged, by conducing empirical studies in non-affluent geographies.

Higher education has become an important agenda in the 2030 Sustainable Development Goals. A major aspect of this agenda is the conceptualization of education as a tool not just for development but for peacebuilding. Yet there are few studies examining how university educators might be equipped as frontline peace workers. This study explores: How might conflict affect teaching in higher education, especially in and with students from conflict-affected contexts? In what ways does higher education pedagogy serve to ameliorate or exacerbate conflict? How could the practices of academics working with students in conflict-affected contexts inform approaches to higher education pedagogy? Data for the study was collected through interviews with university educators working in Afghanistan and Somaliland, and analyzed through the lens of Santos's 'post-abyssal thinking'. Findings indicate that educators who work in conflict-affected contexts have numerous practical strategies that inform their thinking, curricular decisions, teaching, and policymaking. Implications are discussed.

Purpose: This research seeks to highlight school partnerships as an approach to improving schools and halting the deterioration of their performance in an environment that has suffered from the consequences of conflict for more than a decade. Design/methodology/approach: The research used the qualitative method, and the data were collected through semi-structured interviews with 20 school leaders and teachers. Findings: The results showed the presence of positive attitudes toward inter-school partnerships and their perception of many benefits, the most prominent of which was increasing social cohesion in school and surrounding communities that suffer from divisions resulting from conflict. A set of obstacles includes legislative obstacles, a low degree of autonomy, low competency of school leaders, a lack of trust and incentives. Originality/value: This study proposes a range of solutions to address the challenges associated with building partnerships. The research emphasizes the significance the school-to-school partnerships and their positive role in improving the performance of schools in developing countries, especially in environments suffering from the consequences of civil wars and social divisions.

This paper examines the development of indicators measuring attacks on education through a case study of the Global Coalition to Protect Education from Attack (GCPEA). As GCPEA and its partners have brought the problem of attacks on education to the attention of global civil society, they have engaged in contestation to define attacks on education and construct indicators to track the relevant violations. These debates are significant in that indicators are a tool of global governance that shape policymaking and resource allocation. The discussion draws on the author's decade of experience working among groups focused on the protection of education, including direct involvement developing indicators on attacks on education, and on three sets of qualitative interviews. It analyses how resource limitations, organisational agendas, challenges of measurement and verification, and global power dynamics exert pressure towards a more narrow understanding of attacks on education. This limits the transformative potential of the protecting education agenda. The discussion illustrates that EiE actors must consider the ways that they measure their work in ongoing conversations about creating a decolonial and more equitable field of practice.

Background: Armed conflicts continue to threaten a vast number of children across the world, especially in low-and middle-income countries (LMICs). Evidence-based interventions are vital to adequately address the mental health needs in these groups. Objective: This systematic review aims to provide a comprehensive update of the most current developments in mental health and psychosocial support (MHPSS) interventions for children affected by armed conflict in LMICs, since 2016. Such an update may be useful in determining where the current focus of interventions lies and whether there are changes in types of interventions that are commonly implemented. Methods: The main medical, psychological and social sciences databases (PubMed, PsycINFO, Medline) were searched to identify interventions aimed at improving or treating mental health problems in conflict-affected children in LMICs. For the period 2016-2022, a total of 1243 records were identified. Twenty-three articles met the inclusion criteria. A bio-ecological lens was used to organize the interventions and the presentation of findings. Results: Seventeen forms of MHPSS interventions with a wide range of treatment modalities were identified in this review. The reviewed articles focused mainly on family-based interventions. Very few studies empirically evaluated community-level interventions. Conclusion: Current focus of interventions is family-based; the addition of caregiver wellbeing and parenting skills components had the potential to enhance the effects of interventions designed to improve children's mental health. Future trials for MHPSS interventions need to give more attention to community-level interventions. Community-level supports such as person-to-person support, solidarity groups, and dialogue groups stand to reach large numbers of children and families.

Language education and schooling are important topics in post-conflict contexts. This study explores the existing situation of mother tongue education in the de facto Abkhazia. The study had the following research questions: (1) What was the ethnic composition of Abkhazia during the Soviet Union, and how Russian occupation changed it? (2) How well is the ethnic composition of the occupied territory of Abkhazia reflected in language schooling? (3) What type of language education policy is used in Abkhazia? The research revealed that the opportunity for mother-tongue education is restricted for minority as well as majority ethnic groups in Abkhazia. Based on this finding, a new language education policy approach emerged. The language education policy in de facto Abkhazia is classified as an "Invasional Approach, " implying Russian language domination. All other languages, including the language of the majority ethnic group, are ignored. Based on this finding, the new language education policy framework is identified, including Reconciliational, Oppressional, and Invasional approaches.

Social and emotional learning (SEL) programs are increasingly embraced by the global humanitarian sector as a potential strategy for supporting refugee children's psychosocial adaptation and learning. However, little evidence is available on the effectiveness of such SEL programs in humanitarian settings. Even less is known about whether such SEL programs can be equally effective, more beneficial, or even harmful, for children who were exposed to higher levels of conflict, in the context of war and/or postmigration settings. This study evaluates the effectiveness of a universal, multicomponent, skill-targeted SEL curriculum embedded in nonformal remedial education programming, the Five-Component SEL (5CSEL), for improving 20 proximal and distal outcomes. The large-scale cluster randomized controlled trial was conducted in 57 community sites (170 classrooms) in Lebanon with 4,289 Syrian refugee children (M[subscript age] = 9.16, SD = 2.34; 50% female). It examined both the impact of 5CSEL and the impact variation by children's level of exposure to war violence, family conflict, and school victimization. The findings do not provide conclusive evidence of the effectiveness of 5CSEL. However, we find promising signs of impacts in a number of the outcomes (effect sizes = 0.06-0.18 SD), suggesting the malleability of refugee children's SEL skills across multiple domains when given sufficient, targeted, and comprehensive support. Finally, we find little evidence of variation in impact by the level of exposure to conflict experiences, supporting the arguments for the benefits of universal SEL programming. These results provide promising directions for practitioner communities to invest in further development and revision of the SEL program contents and strategies.

The globalization and transnationalization of media use have facilitated access to voices from the Arab world. Students and teachers in Western higher education can make use of these voices within and outside the classroom to enhance students' knowledge of the region and challenge Eurocentric imaginations of the 'Other'. Yet to ensure students engage with these Arab sources in a meaningful way, media literacy is key. Drawing on and challenging a framework of global critical media literacy, this article argues that media literacy is grounded in time and space, meaning an effective teaching of global media literacy skills supposes an awareness of local media and power systems as well as communication cultures, and willingness to scrutinize one's own Eurocentric positionalities. In this endeavor, this article proposes to teach global media literacy the local way, here, pertaining to the Arab world through three distinct media case studies: influencers; women's activism; war and conflict.

Purpose: This paper aims to investigate the impacts of service learning (SL) on teaching sustainability competencies in an undergraduate tourism program at Bamyan University, Afghanistan. This study reports on tourism students' experiences in the SL course which taught five key sustainability competencies (collaboration, values thinking, action-oriented, systems thinking and integrated problem-solving). Design/methodology/approach: This paper assessed students' perceptions of their sustainability competencies gained during the implementation of the course in 2016 and 2017 through focus groups, reflective essays and participant observation. Findings: The results demonstrate how the SL experience led students to self-discovery, strong conceptualizations of sustainability and working relationships with community stakeholders. Originality/value: To the best of the authors' knowledge, this is the first study to assess the impacts of a SL course in Afghanistan. The analysis provides valuable information for developing effective higher education programs, relationships of trust between students and community stakeholders and the empowerment of students to contribute to local solutions which serve a role in stabilization efforts in conflict-affected contexts.

Higher education in the Gaza Strip has been subjected to four wars and over a decade of blockade. University staff and students have been killed whilst campus infrastructure has been attacked, rebuilt, and destroyed again. This paper examines opportunities for, and limits to, protecting higher education from attack in Gaza. It presents a framework for categorising protection measures and empirically explores the effectiveness of measures to protect higher education from attack in Gaza since 2007. It finds that whilst Gaza's academics and students generally express hopelessness at protection under blockade and asymmetric warfare, there are promising potential avenues for protection.

The concept and connotation of critical thinking are formed based on human activities and social development in Europe and America, while relevant studies in East Asia are lacking. How to deconstruct the characteristics, formation and deep reasons of critical thinking in the East based on its continuous and dynamic human activities is still a challenge. Taking China as the research object, we reveal that the East also produces logic-based and intense critical thinking, and gradually integrates the characteristics of inclusiveness, euphemism, and result-oriented noun in the evolution, which can be attributed to the influence of war, religion, and nomadic and agricultural conflicts. This study is of great significance to the in-depth fundamental understanding of oriental critical thinking. It also holds promise to promote critical thinking education in East Asian countries and the cultural exchanges between the East and the West.

The main purpose of this study was to explore the impact of the Tigray People Liberation Front (TPLF) armed violence on educational institutions, students' educational attainments, and the role of actors playing in school governance and redirecting the education process. This study was positioned to yield preliminary evidence which can serve as input for concerned bodies when designing intervention programs in the study area that aims to give a response to the spoiled education system brought by the violence. In doing so, a convergent mixed-method research design was used. The study sample was bounded to n = 398 participants. Both qualitative and quantitative data were collected simultaneously, and the analysis was drawn upon both strands in search of patterns. As a result, the following findings were obtained. The TPLF armed violence instigated the destruction of school infrastructures and generated substantial impediments to the supply of schooling. As a result, students' educational attainment and learning outcomes were significantly lowered as compared to before the violence. As well, students' dropout rate, out-of-school students' rate, and related educational wastage have been amplified. This, in turn, requires sound school governance and the active participation of all actors including parents and the local community at large be part of the solutions for those educational issues hampered by the TPLF violence. In the end, possible conclusions and suggestions were made.

In February 2019, two nations with the largest nuclear arsenals announced their withdrawal from the Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces (INF) Treaty. Russia's interference in U.S. elections and the invasion of Ukraine has exacerbated tensions between the U.S. and Russia. These actions bring renewed attention to nuclear nonproliferation efforts worldwide. In this troubling context, but finding inspiration from Hibakusha testimonies, we propose one way to teach nuclear war and nonproliferation.

This article examines the key category defining multiculturalism in Israeli history education: the representation of North African and Middle Eastern Jewry, aka "Mizrahim." Applying Nordgren's and Johansson's conceptualisation, the article explores the changes in this subject from the establishment of Israel to the present day. The diachronic textual analysis shows that social and educational transformations along with developments in the historical discipline have led to a significant change in the representation of Mizrahim. These changes, the conceptual framework reveals, were manifested not solely in adding content but reflected a profound acknowledgement of multicultural approaches. Nevertheless it became clear that the changes are limited, as constructing the Eurocentric Zionist historical consciousness remains the primary goal of the education process. Similar to controversies around the world, the limited nature of the changes--despite the sincere efforts involved--is the result of the rigid national framework that continues to shape Israel's history education.

This article explores responsiveness in peace education practice. It develops the concept of territorial peace education to emphasize the situated nature of responsive approaches in peacebuilding. With this conceptual framing, the study examines four case studies of pedagogical innovations for peace in Colombia. It describes how educators engaged specific and emergent conflict dynamics in their respective settings. The findings show the various ways in which territorial dimensions informed the design and implementation of these initiatives. They also highlight the role of relationality, resourcefulness and positionality as components of responsive practice. This study contributes to research on the role of the local in peace education and raises avenues for further research.

This paper draws on a survey conducted in 2020-21 in which 163 secondary English teachers in England named a total of 68 individual poems by poets of colour from the global majority which they taught in Key Stage 3 (students aged 11-14). Using the concepts of framing and mental schemas, we categorised these poems by considering which was the most likely frame or theme under which they would be taught. The largest category was Identity (15 poems), followed by War and Conflict (12 poems) and Racism (11 poems). War and Conflict, together with Love and Relationships (7 poems) are categories which reflect GCSE groups of poems. We suggest that poems by global majority poets which are incorporated into the curriculum are likely to be largely framed as being about race or related issues. The exception is the "strong" framing of the GCSE clusters. We argue that this is a shortfall in the ways in which the curriculum is being diversified. We note the long shadow of "Poetry from Other Cultures" and suggest that we need both more poems from global majority authors and more variety in the themes which they explore.

In recent decades, numerous studies have been conducted on children's understanding of peace and war. Geographic, economic, political, cultural, and social differences influence the concepts of war and peace. This study aims at examining this effect. In addition to comparing studies conducted in Western countries, the study aims to examine early childhood students' understanding of war and peace concepts. The study involved ten early childhood children who were at the kindergarten level with an average age of 5.7 years. The study employed a phenomenological approach. Drawing and semi-structured interviews were utilized for data collection. The study results indicate that children conceptualize war as unhappiness, conflict, and weapons. War concepts are symbolized by sad people, weapons, and fighting characters. In addition, children conceptualize peace as happiness, the beauty of nature, and a place that makes them feel safe, cheerful, free to express themselves, happy, and in which no one is angry. Smiling people, houses, trees, rainbows, and mountains represent peace. Overall, early childhood simultaneously comprehends the concepts of war and peace. This result differs from those of several prior studies.

The purpose of this study was to glean understanding of student learning, global perspectives, and self-care in an elective that explored violence against women in diverse contexts. The study consisted of a survey with quantitative measures of global perspectives and self-care, and discussion groups conducted at four time-points. Results from the quantitative analysis showed significant increases for two global perspectives subscales and a slight (nonsignificant) increase in self-care frequency. Thematic analysis of qualitative data generated three themes: (a) forging connections, (b) learning in a global pandemic, and (c) grappling with preconceptions. The findings highlight the dramatic impact of the COVID-19 pandemic, opportunities for integrating critical global perspectives, and need for an explicit decolonizing framework to guide instructors and students.

'Research is a major aspect and fundamental component of many social struggles and movements for change' [Choudry, A. 2013a. "Activist Research Practice: Exploring Research and Knowledge Production for Social Action." Socialist Studies/Études Socialistes 9 (1): 128 151. doi:10.18740/S4G01K, 128]. For Palestinians, research and knowledge production are vital for their ongoing anti-colonial struggle. However, there are various factors that restrict these processes and create an unsafe environment to produce liberatory knowledge(s) related to political and social activism. Some of these factors are the colonisers' prolonged oppression of Palestinian thought, narrative(s) and theorising, which is exacerbated by an oppressive Palestinian Authority -- essentially an authoritarian body governing the Palestinian population in the West Bank and Gaza Strip; and the imposed hyper institutionalisation of academic and intellectual spaces, by donors' strategies which create a need to meet global academic criteria by Palestinian institutions. This article engages with research ethics as a specific aspect within the process of knowledge production and dissemination. It critically looks at procedural research ethics that frame research conduct, including data generation, data analysis and modes of dissemination. In Palestine, research is being conducted under settler colonialism, apartheid and repressive ruling authorit(ies). This poses unique conditions that challenge standardised institutional ethics procedures and existing power dynamics within academic and research institutions. Additionally, in Palestine, there is a situation of excessive research -- that is almost entirely dependent on foreign funding and the avoidance of clashes with the ruling authorit(ies). Hence, research ethics could be used as a tool for objectification and violence normalisation [Abdelnour, S., and M. Abu Moghli. 2021. "Researching Violent Contexts: A Call for Political Reflexivity." Organization, 1-24]. The article argues that within the Palestinian context, institutionalised ethics procedures in universities and research institutions are almost never sensitive to the particularities of the context and/or the knowledge production and dissemination needs of a nation struggling for liberation. It also argues that utilising research ethics beyond standardised institutional procedures could be a tool for emancipation and the building of collective anti-colonial consciousness and critical education.

The evolving situation in Lebanon is characterized by multiple crises that affect education and can negatively affect a student's school-functioning and mental health. The Ministry of Education and Higher Education decided in 2019 to further intensify and upscale implementation of school-based psychosocial support. This study is a contextualization and validation of the Student Learning in Emergencies Checklist for use in Lebanon. A 27-item questionnaire was proposed and tested to explore categories for measuring the effect of psychosocial support on academic functioning and academic performance and build evidence for program design. Promotors for school functioning were also explored. The participants (N = 1048) were divided between Lebanese students (N = 573) and non-Lebanese students (N = 520) with a mean age of 11.77 and gender balance. Multiple regression analysis demonstrated that the combined proposed categories explained 33.7% of the variance of school functioning as opposed to other factors. The new categories for "safety and support at school and safety and support at home" were found to predict academic functioning alone. Lebanese students reported significantly reduced scores in "safety and support at school" compared to non-Lebanese students. The need for psychosocial and educational support increased significantly with age, and males reported lower scores than females. Content and strategies for school-based psychosocial support for students are discussed.

The article investigates two cases of displaced universities facing challenges after a new phase of Russia's aggression against Ukraine in February 2022. We analyse prospects for displaced universities. Also, we identify models suitable for developing and reinventing universities, aligning their activities with wartime needs and allowing them to play a transformative role during post-war recovery. Four modern university models were investigated: (1) a "traditional university" model where the dominating social missions are (I) teaching and learning, and (II) research; (2) a "civic university" model where the mission to serve society and community engagement (a "third social mission"; III) is equally as important as the first and second missions; (3) an open university allowing for open access for diverse groups of learners to personal and professional development. We also analyse a "European Universities" model (4). The fourth model aims at pooling resources and boosting cooperation between several universities and non-academic institutions. The purpose of the fourth model is to enhance excellence in education, research and innovation in specific subject areas. It also facilitates internationalisation and community service at the local, national and global levels. The "civic university" was identified as the optimum model for advancing the development of displaced universities. Similarly, a combination of features from the models analysed can be an appropriate solution to ensure a sustainable development of displaced universities during wartime and post-war recovery. Based on research findings we formulate policy recommendations on the following topics: a review of the missions and strategies of displaced universities, and the launch of the Programme in Support of Displaced Universities. Also, the recommendation to develop crisis management plans at the national and institutional levels to ensure multilevel readiness for future emergencies is discussed.

The purpose of this study is to make an evaluation on the advantage and disadvantage of Revolution History teaching in Turkey in light of Friedrich Nietzsche's views on the advantage and disadvantage of history for life. In this research, a screening model was used to identify a past or present situation as it exists. The universe of this research consists of Higher Education Council National Thesis Center, ULAKBIM, the scanning model thesis and scanning model articles regarding teaching of revolution history in Google Academic Database. Purposive sampling method was used considering the inclusion criteria. The inclusion criteria of the study for postgraduate thesis are they are on teaching revolution history, conducted in scanning model, published between 2004-2018 and conducted in Turkey and are in Turkish. For the articles, the criteria are being about teaching revolution history, conducted in scanning model and being published in a peer-reviewed journal in Turkish. Such data were subjected to descriptive analysis and content analysis. The analyses yielded descriptive statistics as well as codes and themes concerning the advantage and disadvantage of Revolution History teaching. The findings indicate that Revolution History teaching is a need in Turkey, which can be said to be consistent with Nietzsche's views. On the other hand, that Revolution History teaching does not enhance student productivity is the primary problem on this matter. Descriptive research findings regarding Revolution History teaching in Turkey also reveal that approaching the past with a conception of monumental history would have a detrimental dominance over antiquarian and critical forms. The findings imply that critical form is needed in addition to monumental and antiquarian forms in Revolution History teaching, and this form (i.e. critical history) is not covered enough in practice.