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More than one-third of the world's population resides in Asia. China and India have the largest population densities and the focus of this article is on these two countries. In the seventeenth century, women were globally treated as inferior and subordinate to men. Women had to listen to their fathers, husbands, and sons, and they could not inherit business or wealth. Starting in the eighteenth century and continuing in the nineteenth century, women's rights became central to political debates in Europe which demanded human rights, leading to the Women's Rights Movement. The Feminist movement began in the twentieth century, which focused on the reproductive rights of women. In the twentieth century, various Declarations have been signed by the United Nations to offer both gender equity and equality to women in the world, but unfortunately many of them have not been put into practice in Asia. In the twenty-first century, the feminist movement is focusing more on women having the power to decide the course of their lives. We still have to overcome challenges of unequal economic opportunity, political empowerment, gender violence, and human trafficking to achieve gender equality in Asia.

Maternity leave in Chile has been a social right since 1919, when the International Labour Organization set the first global standards. From its inception, Chile's labour legislation focused on protecting motherhood and the family. The length of maternity leave has been extended several times since then but its main aim remains the protection of infant health. In 1931, Chile's first Labour Code required anyone employing 20 or more women to provide day care services and facilitate childcare and paid breastfeeding time for all mothers of children under one. Labour laws began to play an important role in accommodating the care of infants within working conditions, though not always effectively. In spite of job protection during pregnancy and breastfeeding, women can be dismissed on grounds other than pregnancy. It was only under Salvador Allende and again in the past two decades that Chile has enfranchised women as holders of health rights. However, many unresolved tensions remain. Chile promotes motherhood, but often considers that working women who demand employment protection abuse the system. Motherhood is a magic wand that represents the selflessness of women, but society throws a blanket of mistrust over women who wish to exercise their maternity rights and to determine the number and spacing of their children., (Copyright © 2012 Reproductive Health Matters. Published by Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.)

As part of a feminist commitment to collaboration, this article, which appears as a companion essay to Minh-Ha T. Pham's "The Right to Fashion in the Age of Terror," offers a point of departure for thinking about fashion and beauty as processes that produce subjects recruited to, and aligned with, the national interests of the United States in the war on terror. The Muslim woman in the veil and her imagined opposite, the fashionably modern and implicitly Western woman, become convenient metaphors for articulating geopolitical contests of power as human rights concerns, as rescue missions, as beautifying mandates. This essay examines newer iterations of this opposition, after September 11, 2001, in order to demonstrate the critical resonance of a biopolitics of fashion and beauty. After the events of September 11, 2001, George W. Bush's administration launched a military and public relations campaign to promote U.S. national interests using the language of feminism and human rights. While these discourses in the United States helped to reinvigorate a declining economy, and specifically a flagging fashion industry (as Pham addresses in her companion essay), feminism abroad was deployed to very different ends. This article considers the establishment of the Kabul Beauty School by the nongovernmental organization Beauty without Borders, sponsored in large part by the U.S. fashion and beauty industries. Examining troubling histories of beauty's relation to morality, humanity, and security, as well as to neoliberal discourses of self-governance, the author teases out the biopower and biopolitics of beauty, enacted here through programs of empowerment that are inseparable from the geopolitical aims of the U.S. deployment in Afghanistan.

Over the past decade, abolitionist feminist and evangelical Christian activists have directed increasing attention toward the “traffic in women” as a dangerous manifestation of global gender inequalities. Despite renowned disagreements around the politics of sex and gender, these groups have come together to advocate for harsher penalties against traffickers, prostitutes’ customers, and nations deemed to be taking insufficient steps to stem the flow of trafficked women. In this essay, I argue that what has served to unite this coalition of "strange bedfellows" is not simply an underlying commitment to conservative ideals of sexuality, as previous commentators have offered, but an equally significant commitment to carceral paradigms of justice and to militarized humanitarianism as the preeminent mode of engagement by the state. I draw upon my ongoing ethnographic research with feminist and evangelical antitrafficking movement leaders to argue that the alliance that has been so efficacious in framing contemporary antitrafficking politics is the product of two historically unique and intersecting trends: a rightward shift on the part of many mainstream feminists and other secular liberals away from a redistributive model of justice and toward a politics of incarceration, coincident with a leftward sweep on the part of many younger evangelicals toward a globally oriented social justice theology. In the final section of this essay, I consider the resilience of these trends given a newly installed and more progressive Obama administration, positing that they are likely to continue even as the terrain of militarized humanitarian action shifts in accordance with new sets of geopolitical interests.

The law of status enabled primitive societies to deal with the rights and duties of different types of persons--including the fetus and its bearer--within the group without the need to create elaborate social mechanisms and legal enforcement to install and perpetuate order in the society. Roman law acknowledged and classified personal status as the primary subject of law. English common law held that the principal aim of society was to protect individuals in their enjoyment of absolute rights. As contract replaced status as the focus of American Constitutional law, personhood became recognized as a potential only after fetal viability.