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Much continues to be made internationally and by Turkey herself and her leadership (and Jews as well) of Turkey's seemingly important role in saving Jews on two historic occasions: (1) the Spanish Inquisition, when (some) Jews fled Christian-controlled Spain and Portugal in the 15th century; and (2) the Holocaust/Shoah, when (some) Jewsfled Nazi Europe in the middle of the 20th century. Additionally, up until the present moment, Turkey positioned itself as the "broker" between the Arab East and the European-American West as regards the State of Israel and its (Turkey's) own desire to become part of the European Union (EU). 1-hefirst and second events have, increasingly, however, come under critical scholarly review, both positively and negatively. Furthermore, the increasing Islamicization Of Turkey under its current Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan (b. 1954) has carried with it an increasingly hostile, and, at times, overtly antisemitic discourse as regards Israel and Zionism andlews and Judaism, and, with it, an increasing sense of vulnerability on the part of Turkey's relatively small present-day Jewish population. (In this context, one also notes that Turkey continues to put pressure upon both Israel and American Jewry not to support any recognition whatsoever of the Armenian, Assyrian, and Greek Genocides.) However, to complete the historical picture, especially during the years surrounding World War I (1914-1917), it is important to remember that not only Armenians, Assyrians, and Greeks were regarded as dhimmis (non-Muslim subjects of an Islamic state-despite the seeming secularism of the Republic of Turkey), but Jews as well, and all were subject to the jizya (a per capita tax levied on a section of an Islamic state's non-Muslim subjects, who met certain criteria, e.g. able-bodied adult males of military age). Ihis contribution, therefore, is a preliminary exploration of the tenuous and vulnerable relationship the Jews of Turkey held not only with regard to the government and the larger society, but with other minorities as well (specifically the Armenian and the Greek populations), their (Jewish) participation as soldiers in the First World War, and the reality of Jewish life in Turkey today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Rabbi Zvi Hirsch Kalisher's messianic innovations asserted the centrality of a renewal of offerings on the altar to the creation of a linear path to redemption. Despite the common convention, his ideas were not disregarded by his peers and followers. In fact, while his ideas did not predetermine the rabbinic discourse, halakhic questions concerning the rebuilding of the Temple and its laws became quite popular and common. Surprisingly, lay figures, as well as several Talmudic scholars, kept this messianic idea alive. Indeed, from the second half of the nineteenth century onwards, such figures published numerous works calling for concrete efforts to rebuild the Temple and renew the offerings. These findings shed light on the renewed religious Zionist interest in this method of reconnecting with God and promoting the final redemption, which is neither new, nor does it deviate from known and publicly articulated ideas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Before 1948, and stretching back more than 1800 years, the Jewish people suffered all the problems of statelessness. The Zionist movement, 1897–1948, strove to end the condition of Jewish exile and statelessness. The great historical irony and tragedy is that the establishment of the State of Israel brought about the Nakba, the catastrophe, of the Palestinian people. Both the Israelis and the Palestinians see themselves as the victims of the conflict. They seem to be competitors in what I call a "suffering sweepstakes." One of the problems with victimhood is that it prevents victims from assuming responsibility for their actions, including the victimization of others. In the Israeli–Palestinian conflict, both sides are victims and both sides are victimizers. The least helpful thing people can do – and regrettably many well‐meaning people do this – is to portray the situation in terms of a zero‐sum game, in which, if you're pro‐Palestinian, you must be anti‐Israeli, and vice versa. We must be both pro‐Palestinian and pro‐Israeli, because we are pro‐people and, therefore, pro‐peace. The achievement of peace necessitates a two‐state solution based on some recognition of the two narratives. The best fulfilment of Zionism will come when there is a Palestinian state alongside the State of Israel. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the recent Israeli Nationality Law within a historical context. It argues that the law in many ways manifests the settler-colonial identity of the State of Israel and as such the law embodies clearly both the achievements of the Zionist movement and Zionist future designs. The law is not an extreme right-wing document but rather an accurate reflection of the major characteristics of the Zionist settler-colonial movement in Palestine. Like all settler-colonial movements, the Zionist movement strove to include as few Palestinians as possible in it. The incomplete implementation of this goal during the 1948 Nakba has informed Israeli policies since 1948 and are the best explanation for the 2018 Nationality Law. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A coalition of women from all walks of life was common in women’s activism at the beginning of the twentieth century. The recognition of the importance of the empowerment of women through autonomous, public activity was also shared among the women’s organisations that decided to cooperate in the political arena in Eretz Israel. Their collaboration indicates the importance they attached to the commitment to united action that was based on the acceptance of Zionist principles, on the one hand, and their aspiration to overcome what separated them, on the other. The women’s coalition overcame geographical distance and differences in class or political and social orientation, while challenging the old consensus and the boundaries of exclusion and inclusion prevailing in Zionist society. This article focuses on the collaboration between women’s organisations of labour Zionism and middle-class Zionism of various national affiliations, thus forming a transnational coalition in the build-up to statehood. Their claims, activities and modes of operation in the fields of politics and economics are analysed alongside the results and the effect of their efforts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims to analyze the relations between the trial of Adolf Eichmann and the Israeli national identity. It analyzes a trial which has its roots in the ius gentium and continues until the reappropriation of the memory of the Holocaust by Israel. The trial of Nazi criminal represents the moment when the Jewish state integrates his national experience to the memory of the destruction of European Jewry during the Second World War. Through the trials against Eichmann and its consequences on the Israeli public opinion, Ben Gurion strove for a nationalist rewriting of the Holocaust. The role of justice and law is central to the development of the national identity of Israel, providing a renewed civil identity that makes Israel the ‘guardian’ of memory and shifting the focus from the classic themes of Zionism.