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Non-government organisations (NGOs) have come to assume an important role in environmental policy in Australia. This paper considers the institutional impacts of an enlarged and formal role for NGOs in environmental governance. To foreground the analysis that follows, the paper theorises: (i) the structural democratisation of western societies which provides the preconditions for civic approaches to environmental governance; (ii) civil society organisations as political actors; and (iii) the link between non-state associations and democracy. Against this background, the paper surveys some of the ways in which NGOs are being formally involved in environmental policy and management in Australia. The paper proceeds to identify a series of risks associated with these approaches. The paper concludes by calling for a more nuanced and critical appraisal of the role of NGOs in environmental policy so political space might be reserved for the public interest and to ensure that the democratic effects of civil society are not diminished.

Abstract: Non-government organisations (NGOs) have come to assume an important role in environmental policy in Australia. This paper considers the institutional impacts of an enlarged and formal role for NGOs in environmental governance. To foreground the analysis that follows, the paper theorises: (i) the structural democratisation of western societies which provides the preconditions for civic approaches to environmental governance; (ii) civil society organisations as political actors; and (iii) the link between non-state associations and democracy. Against this background, the paper surveys some of the ways in which NGOs are being formally involved in environmental policy and management in Australia. The paper proceeds to identify a series of risks associated with these approaches. The paper concludes by calling for a more nuanced and critical appraisal of the role of NGOs in environmental policy so political space might be reserved for the public interest and to ensure that the democratic effects of civil society are not diminished. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

Neoliberal thought has exerted significant influence over the crafting and delivery of environmental policy. This has manifested in enlisting non-state actors to advance environmental policy agendas in ways that were previously the responsibility of the state. The participation of these non-state actors is positioned as integral to solving intractable environmental challenges, such as the degradation of fish habitat. Drawing on responsibilisation as a technique of governance, this research adopts a case-based study of fisheries rehabilitation policy to explore how recreationists are being mobilized to address environmental problems. Deploying interpretive policy analysis to analyze key policy artifacts this research highlights how fishers as recreational users of aquatic areas are constituted as moral, political and authoritative actors who bear responsibility for ameliorating degraded fish habitats, despite the impacts of recreational fishing on these habitats being contested. We conclude by identifying the implications of this responsibilisation for the implementation of co-management and shared stewardship of fisheries resources. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While Australia is one of the world leaders in conservation biology, it is not in conservation policy. Proposed so-called policy "reforms" in environmental policy will undermine many of the important gains made in conservation management. Here I outline four retrogressive policy changes proposed or currently taking place in eastern Australian states. These range from branding climate research as "post-normal" science through to grazing of alpine environments to reduce "blazing" despite overwhelming evidence that it has no such effect. Conservation scientists will need to work extremely hard to communicate their science and underscore the need for scientific data to underpin truly evidence-based conservation policy and evidence-based conservation management. The consequences of failing to do so will be an ongoing decline in the quality of environmental policies and impaired environmental and conservation outcomes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the past 3 decades, indigenous guardian programs (also known as indigenous rangers or watchmen) have emerged as an institution for indigenous governments to engage in collaborative environmental governance. Using a systematic review of peer-reviewed literature for research conducted in Australia, Canada, Aotearoa-New Zealand, and the United States, we sought to characterize the emergence of indigenous guardians in the literature and explore whether guardian approaches are representative of Indigenous approaches to environmental governance. Using a multistep relevance-screening method, we reviewed 83 articles published since 1995, that report on, critique, or comment on Indigenous guardians. Our findings indicated that most articles on the topic were published in the last decade (88%), focused on Australia (65%), and were in a social science discipline (53%). The lead author of the majority of articles was an academic, although only half of the articles included an indigenous scholar or member of an indigenous group or organization as a coauthor. Finally, 11 articles were on research of guardian programs that were locally led and only 5 exemplified indigenous governance, based on 2 well-known community-based monitoring typologies. Our findings indicate that more research is required to understand the implications of current guardian programs for indigenous self-determination, particularly when such programs are embedded in a broader western environmental governance structure., (© 2020 The Authors. Conservation Biology published by Wiley Periodicals LLC on behalf of Society for Conservation Biology.)

By focusing on the Nauruan and Maralinga Tjarutja campaigns for environmental rehabilitation from and justice regarding colonial-era phosphate mining and nuclear testing, this article investigates a striking double standard in the way the Australian Government dealt with the legacies of environmental extraction and toxicity in the Robert (Bob) Hawke--Paul Keating era (1983-96). As the Nauruan politician Alfred Derangdedage Dick underlined, Australia's reluctance to accept liability for environmental damage inflicted during its administration of the island was inconsistent with its demands that the United Kingdom take responsibility for cleaning up residual radioactive waste from the British nuclear testing program in South Australia. The comparison reveals that despite the natural tendency towards legal solutions that minimised their respective liability and avoided the creation of unwanted precedents, Australian and British officials nonetheless took seriously the moral and political implications of their respective positions. While admitting that moral, legal and political tensions are at the heart of all modern environmental policy (especially when significant costs are involved), this article nonetheless demonstrates that the absence of official co-operation at key moments in the Nauruan pursuit of a practical, post-mining solution is what ultimately led to an unsatisfactory legal settlement and further acrimony. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Addresses issues related to the regulation of environmental policy instruments in Australia. Impact of economic reform implementation on environmental issues; Structures of the Australian environmental policy; Discussion on environmental policy contents.

Environmental impact assessment (EIA) has evolved as an environmental management and sustainability tool. Despite common principles shared by EIA globally, there are considerable variations in EIA processes across countries. In this paper, we reviewed and compared EIA processes of China, Queensland State of Australia and Nepal considering five key steps (selection of consultants, report preparation, public participation, report review and approval, and monitoring and evaluations) of EIA. Our review indicated that the EIA is well recognised in legal instruments in all state and countries under consideration and there are both similarities and differences in key steps of EIA. Monitoring of EIA recommendations and the integration of feedbacks from the past and current practices are important in improving EIA processes. This study also found that there are elements for possible improvement in existing EIA processes by each state and country introducing the best practices from others' EIA system. Some of the practices that Nepal can follow from the EIA processes of Queensland and China are licensing and accreditation of individuals and firms to conduct EIA, establishment of separate monitoring unit within regulating department, development of clear guidelines for approvals and monitoring, and the use of independent third-party auditing in EIA monitoring. The findings of this paper are useful in revising and improving EIA policies, practices and processes in the selected state, countries and elsewhere.

Conventional approaches to environmental governance and management are limited in their responses to uncertainty and complexity of social-ecological system (SES) change. Prevailing neoliberal and efficiency-based mindsets tend to focus on avoiding risk and creating "fail-safe" systems. In the last decade, resilience thinking has emerged as a means to transition from risk-averse, and command-and-control governance approaches towards those that are more adaptive, innovative and collaborative. To examine the practical usefulness of a resilience thinking approach, we used a complex, multi-layered case study of Tasmanian coastal governance. Drawing on the diverse expertise and a variety of key governance actors, we identified crucial problems being experienced with the Tasmanian coastal governance regime and discussed potential contributions of resilience thinking to address them. Thematic analysis of the results revealed three major contributions: resilience thinking (1) provides a way to think about change and uncertainty; (2) is compatible with proactive and entrepreneurial leadership; and (3) effectively considers issues of scale in the decision-making process. We conclude by offering practical suggestions towards devolved leadership and improved cross-scale collaboration, and consider the possibility of a hybrid resilience and risk-based approach to coastal management and governance., (Copyright © 2019 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.)

Analyzes the role of environmental policy in the alliance between Australia and the United States. Examination of whether the alliance relationship has had an impact on the two countries' international environmental policies; Australian government's maintenance of a 'non-linkage' policy on environmental issues; Degree of policy convergence on international environmental issues.

Background: Sustainable management of the natural environment is essential. Continued environmental degradation will lead to worsened health outcomes in countries and across generations. The Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) provide a framework for viewing the preservation of natural environments and the promotion of health, well-being and health equity as interconnected pursuits. Within the SDG framework the goals of promoting environmental sustainability and human health are unified through attention to the social determinants of health and health equity (SDH/HE). This paper presents findings from a document analysis of all Australian environment sector policies and selected legislation to examine whether and how current approaches support progress toward achieving SDG goals on water, climate change, and marine ecosystems (Goals 6, 13 and 14), and to consider implications for health and health equity., Results: Consideration of a broad range of SDH/HE was evident in the analysed documents. Related collaborations between environment and health sectors were identified, but the bulk of proposed actions on SDH/HE were initiated by the environment sector as part of its core business. Strengths of Australian policy in regard to SDGs 6, 13 and 14 are reflected in recognition of the effects of climate change, a strong cohesive approach to marine park protection, and recognition of the need to protect existing water and sanitation systems from future threats. However, climate change strategies focus predominately on resilience, adaptation and heat related health effects, rather than on more comprehensive mitigation policies. The findings emphasise the importance of strengthened cross-sectoral action to address both the drivers and effects of environmental degradation. A lack of policy coherence between jurisdictions was also evident in several areas, compounded by inadequate national guidance, where vague strategies and non-specific devolution of responsibilities are likely to compromise coordination and accountability., Conclusions: Evidence on planetary health recognises the interconnectedness of environmental and human health and, as such, suggests that ineffective management of climate change and water pose serious risks to both the natural environment and human well-being. To address these risks more effectively, and to achieve the SDGs, our findings indicate that cross-jurisdiction policy coherence and national coordination must be improved. In addition, more action to address global inequities is required, along with more comprehensive approaches to climate change mitigation.

The MJA-Lancet Countdown on health and climate change was established in 2017 and produced its first Australian national assessment in 2018. It examined 41 indicators across five broad domains: climate change impacts, exposures and vulnerability; adaptation, planning and resilience for health; mitigation actions and health co-benefits; economics and finance; and public and political engagement. It found that, overall, Australia is vulnerable to the impacts of climate change on health, and that policy inaction in this regard threatens Australian lives. In this report we present the 2019 update. We track progress on health and climate change in Australia across the same five broad domains and many of the same indicators as in 2018. A number of new indicators are introduced this year, including one focused on wildfire exposure, and another on engagement in health and climate change in the corporate sector. Several of the previously reported indicators are not included this year, either due to their discontinuation by the parent project, the Lancet Countdown, or because insufficient new data were available for us to meaningfully provide an update to the indicator. In a year marked by an Australian federal election in which climate change featured prominently, we find mixed progress on health and climate change in this country. There has been progress in renewable energy generation, including substantial employment increases in this sector. There has also been some progress at state and local government level. However, there continues to be no engagement on health and climate change in the Australian federal Parliament, and Australia performs poorly across many of the indicators in comparison to other developed countries; for example, it is one of the world's largest net exporters of coal and its electricity generation from low carbon sources is low. We also find significantly increasing exposure of Australians to heatwaves and, in most states and territories, continuing elevated suicide rates at higher temperatures. We conclude that Australia remains at significant risk of declines in health due to climate change, and that substantial and sustained national action is urgently required in order to prevent this., (© 2019 AMPCo Pty Ltd.)

Climate change research relating to "co‐benefits" suggests that the facilitation of social‐welfare outcomes through environmental policy offers a powerful means of incentivising climate change action. Concerns about social‐welfare, however, are often used to undermine climate change policies, typically through political claims that low‐to‐middle‐income households should not shoulder the costs of greater policy alignment between social and environmental objectives. Integrating the social into the environmental can therefore, on the one hand, lead to "co‐benefits" as each agenda promotes the other in political discourse, or alternatively to collateral damage if the policy objectives are framed as incompatible. This article explores both scenarios through two case studies of energy policy in Australia. The findings show that social‐welfare concerns can be a powerful discursive tool with the potential to facilitate political consensus, but also that this potential is not being fully realised, primarily because environmental concerns suffer when attempts are made to integrate the two areas discursively. This article uses a policy case study approach to explore how social and environmental discourses can be better integrated in Australia, rather than constructed as being at cross‐purposes in political debates about the costs and benefits of addressing climate change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Local governments (LGs) have provided a range of essential services. Initially this did not include specific consideration of the bio-physical environment, however, their role in environmental management has become more prominent since the 1980s. This article argues that LGs have an increasingly important role in environmental and sustainability implementation, and, through an international context, identifies the variety of policy responses LGs in Australia have adopted to engage with environmental and sustainability issues. The literature based review demonstrates the richness of this engagement and that while there is information about the range of engagement, there is little to indicate the effectiveness of these policies. This gap points to some key directions for future research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Processes of globalisation, initially in the form of European colonisation, have fundamentally shaped the environmental challenges faced by both Australia and New Zealand. The common heritage and proximate geographical position of these two countries explain many of the similarities in their environmental institutions and responses, and international interventions on environmental issues. But there are also important differences between the countries in environmental performance and their engagement with globalisation, differences for which disparities in domestic socio-environmental, economic and political-institutional factors can provide part of an explanation. The political-ideological orientation of governments appears to be one of the more significant factors shaping the countries' environmental development and policies, nationally and on the international stage. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Examines the implications of environmental organization participation in a neo-corporatist structure, discussing the tension between neo-corporatist and new social movement theories in Australia. What environmental policy in Australia in the late 1980s was characterized by; Insight into the neo-corporatist theory; Applying the neo-corporatist theory to the ecologically sustainable development (ESD) process.

While the detail of policy change has been often examined, there is a lack of fine-scale empirical investigation intoactualpolicy agendas over time. This is especially the case for environmental policy in Australia. A time-based trend analysis of 505 environmental policies made by the New South Wales Government between 1979 and 2010 found the most commonly addressed issue was flora and fauna, followed by pollution and climate change. Between 1979 and 1994, policy-making on the coast, forests, rivers, soils and catchments was much more common. Then between 1995 and 2010, policy on climate change, pollution, water quantity, waste and wetlands became more common and the marine and alpine environments were also addressed. These overall trends provide a basis for understanding the changing policy agenda. The simple issue-based categorisation of a large number of policies reveals trends not discernible from a deeper analysis of fewer policies. Using actual policies (rather than proposed policies or positions) provides an understanding of the practical ability of governments to address environmental issues, where intent mixes with political, social and economic constraints. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Nanotechnology has the potential to bring about revolutionary changes in manufacturing products, including sunscreens. However, a knowledge gap between benefits and detriments of engineered nano-materials used in sunscreens exists, which gives rise to safety concerns. This article is concerned with the protection of consumers without impairing the embellishment of this promising technology. It is widely argued that the harm associated with nano-sunscreens may only occur under certain conditions related mainly to users skin vulnerability, which can be avoided by informed and careful use of such a product. We thus recognize the need for fostering the growth of nanotech simultaneously with preventing potential harm. We revisit the Australian sunscreens regulatory policies, which embrace a "wait and see" approach, through the lens of regulatory policies in the European Union (EU) that are influenced by a "precautionary principle." We highlight the importance of informing consumers about the sunscreen they are using and recommend that product labels should disclose the presence of nano-ingredients in line with the EU disclosure requirements. This will allow users to carefully apply the product in order to avoid any potential harm and to protect manufacturers from possible costly litigation in future. This can be achieved through a combined collaborative effort of regulators, supply chain entities, and end users.

The 2018 export ban of recyclables to China provides an additional important reason for Australia in particular to act internationally and domestically to reduce its plastic waste. The problems Australia faces from single-use non-biodegradable plastics are replicated in every nation on Earth. Focusing on the Australian context, this article examines regulatory approaches to the problem of plastic production, consumption and disposal and its negative impact on public and ecosystem health. It scrutinises the current legal framework for managing plastic waste at Commonwealth, State and international levels, advocating greater regulation. Its regulatory recommendations include a Pigouvian tax in the form of an excise on plastic production to alter consumer behaviour and raise revenue for further investment in reusable alternatives. They also involve mandatory corporate responsibility obligations, a concept we term "corporate marriage". Other alternative and additional measures to combat single-use plastic waste as utilised in other jurisdictions are proposed for Australian implementation.

The current study looks at the causes of carbon dioxide (CO2) emissions by considering the implications of remittances in the presence of economic growth, financial development, and energy consumption in the case of selected four G-20 economies over the period 1990–2019. This study first uses the dynamic simulated ARDL model to stimulate, estimate, and plot to predict graphs of negative and positive changes occurring in the variables along with their short-run and long-run relationships. Results of the ARDL bounds test confirm a long-term relationship among remittances, financial development, economic growth energy consumption, and CO2 emissions. Furthermore, the error correction model (ECM) also confirms the long-run relationship among CO2 emissions, remittances, financial development, economic growth, and energy use. The results of a novel dynamic simulated ARDL disclosed that financial development is completely connected to CO2 emissions in Mexico and India in the long run. On the other hand, results confirm that there is a positive relationship between remittances and CO2 emissions in the case of Australia, Germany, and India, but this relationship is insignificant with CO2 emissions in the case of Mexico. The result further disclosed that renewable energy exerts a significant impact on CO2 in Australia, Mexico, India, and Germany in the long run while remittances wield a significant impact on CO2 emissions in Australia, Mexico, and India. Moreover, the findings concluded that GDP has significant nexus with CO2 in the long run in the case of Australia, Mexico, and Germany. This study uses up new visions for the economies of G-20 countries to sustain financial and economic growth by protecting the environment from pollution through its efficient national environmental policy, fiscal policy, and monetary policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

River flows are commonly altered by water resource development, with changes to the natural flow regime potentially impacting riparian vegetation. Increasingly, water resource managers seek to design policy to maintain healthy riparian ecosystems. Models that make explicit the relationship between hydrological variables and vegetation can be used by managers to assess vegetation response under different water management scenarios.We determined the potential impact of water‐takeon the spatial distribution of woody riparian plant species in the lower Fitzroy River, in north‐western Australia, an area under pressure to increase water resource development. We undertook a plant survey and developed and applied a joint species distribution model to determine the likelihood of occurrence for 26 woody riparian plant species, mapped species occurrence and assessed the change in species distribution under two water‐take scenarios.We found that the duration of inundation from flood flows was a strong predictor of species occurrence in our joint species distribution model. We identified species associated with wetter environments, as indicated by their effect size for the inundation metric. Under the 300‐Gl water‐take scenario we found little change (<2%) in species occurrence, but under the 600‐Gl scenario a decline between 5% and 7.4% was predicted for eight species associated with wetter habitats. This decline was generally confined to a localised area.Our approach highlights the usefulness of predictive modelling to identify species most likely to be impacted by water‐take, and the benefit of linking modelling to spatial mapping because it can highlight areas where change is likely to occur. This information can assist management to protect ecologically and culturally important species. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Murray–Darling Basin Plan, a major initiative to return water from irrigators to the environment, has been lauded as world-class water reform. The enabling legislation for the Basin Plan, the Water Act, gains its constitutional legitimacy from international treaties such as the Ramsar Convention on Wetlands. This Act mandated that water be returned from consumptive uses to the environment. An allocation of 2,750 GL/yr was set but has been reduced by the 'Sustainable Diversion Limit Adjustment Mechanism' (SDLAM), intended to achieve equivalent environmental benefits with less water. We present a synthesis of changes in decision contexts that have led to water reforms being 'watered down'. We analysed the policy discourse of water reform to assess whether SDLAM projects will achieve outcomes congruent with Australia's international treaty obligations. We found little or no alignment between the purpose of the SDLAM projects and the principles of the treaties and the Water Act. As water scarcity increases under climate change, attempting to conserve wetlands (including rivers) with less water while maintaining or increasing irrigation diversions is likely to prove maladaptive. A major reframing of environmental water policy and management is required to enable meaningful and effective adaptation to climate change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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There is a growing literature reporting the extent of transaction costs for environmental policies. However understanding why transaction costs occur and why they are small or large is also important for efficient policy selection and evaluation. Following an analysis of the organisational economics literature and reports of the extent of transaction costs for a number of environmental policies, three key influences to transaction costs in environmental policies are identified. These are the following: 1) the characteristics of the transaction for the environmental good; 2) the nature of the transactors; and 3) the current institutional environment and arrangements. These affect transaction costs to the government and all other parties influenced by a policy. Transaction costs occur due to actions of information collection and policy design, policy enactment and establishment, implementation and contracting, administration and monitoring, and enforcement. An interrogation of transaction cost influences reveals that: 1) the influence varies between parties and is affected by the actions and interactions of and between all parties to a policy; 2) how transaction costs are experienced varies across time; and 3) who experiences transaction costs depends on the policy itself. Future policy selection and refinement will benefit from empirical analysis of the causes of transaction costs. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

Solutions to environmental problems such as climate change, biodiversity loss, and land and water resource degradation require long term integration of economic, social and environmental policies. This poses challenges to specialised, hierarchical public administration systems. The study reported here examined strategies, structures and processes to enable environmental policy integration in six Australian states and territories, and some federal arrangements. The study found that the most prominent success factors, barriers and gaps that affect environmental policy integration relate to leadership, long term embedding of environmental policy integration and implementation capacity. Factors deserving further research and policy attention include leadership, cultural change and capacity building; embedding sustainability in structures and processes; development of a long term evidence based approach; strengthening decentralised implementation arrangements; and evaluation of policy integration initiatives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An extensive literature exists on environmental nonmarket valuation research. It appears that results from these studies should be useful inputs to decision-making about environmental policy or management. Here, we investigate the extent to which this occurs in practice in Australian environmental management bodies. Nonmarket valuation experts were surveyed about their studies that they believed to have influenced policy. Then, decision-makers in environmental bodies were interviewed about the level of influence nonmarket valuation has had on their decisions. We find that researchers' perceptions of the influence that nonmarket valuation has on decision-making are overly optimistic. Interviews with decision-makers suggest that nonmarket valuation is little used in decision-making. Indeed, the majority of them are unfamiliar with nonmarket valuation techniques. Nevertheless, once the concept was explained to them, many decision-makers believed it could benefit environmental policy. Researchers' perceptions of the reasons for low usage of nonmarket valuation are largely inaccurate. We suggest a range of strategies that economists can use to promote the use of nonmarket valuation in environmental policy and management decisions, including ways to improve communication and engagement with decision-makers, and strategies to increase the capacity for decision-makers to use nonmarket valuation results. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Changing human behaviour and social systems are key to reversing the global biodiversity crisis. Pro‐environmental behaviour is guided by values and connection with nature, but because they have mostly been studied separately, the interplay between values and nature connection in influencing pro‐environmental behaviour remains unclear.In particular, it is uncertain whether people who hold anthropocentric values have a less positive connection with nature than those who hold ecocentric values, and whether nature protection behaviours differ between people with different values or strengths of connection to nature.We used a stratified survey of 2100 respondents across Australia to measure orientation towards nature. We created segments based on individual values and connection with nature and characterised each segment based on demographics, nature‐exposure, pro‐environmental behaviours, support for environmental policies and political alignment.We discovered that a quarter of respondents had anthropocentric values alongside a strong connection with nature. Moreover, of those with a strong connection with nature, people with anthropocentric values more frequently undertook certain pro‐environmental behaviours than those with ecocentric values.Our findings indicate that the strong expression of pro‐environmental behaviour is not limited to people with ecocentric values. Rather, people with different values and strengths of connection to nature engage in different types of impactful nature protection behaviours, challenging stereotypes about those with anthropocentric values.These results further suggest that behavioural intervention strategies could be tailored to reach sectors of society with various combinations of values and strengths of connection to nature, thus maximising the expression of pro‐environmental behaviour across the entire population. Read the free Plain Language Summary for this article on the Journal blog. Read the free Plain Language Summary for this article on the Journal blog. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the 1970s, the Reef has been a site where Australian environmental policy has flourished, mirroring global environmental policy seeking to 'balance' human activity through 'ecologically sustainable development'. The article examines the parallel and intersecting processes of modern environmental policy and news media practice in the context of the Reef to unveil how Australia's news media are communicating critical moments in the protection of the Reef. Through two key conservation moments – the 1981 World Heritage Listing and the 2012 threat to place the Reef on the List of World Heritage in Danger – the article examines the role of news media in different geographic contexts, highlighting the complex politics of protection from early conservation campaigns to the contemporary era of protecting the Reef in the context of global environmental crisis. We identify how ecologically sustainable development discourses can be used to communicate positions that challenge and discredit policy initiatives aimed at protecting natural environments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over two centuries of economic growth have put undeniable pressure on the ecological systems that underpin human well-being. While it is agreed that these pressures are increasing, views divide on how they may be alleviated. Some suggest technological advances will automatically keep us from transgressing key environmental thresholds; others that policy reform can reconcile economic and ecological goals; while a third school argues that only a fundamental shift in societal values can keep human demands within the Earth's ecological limits. Here we use novel integrated analysis of the energy-water-food nexus, rural land use (including biodiversity), material flows and climate change to explore whether mounting ecological pressures in Australia can be reversed, while the population grows and living standards improve. We show that, in the right circumstances, economic and environmental outcomes can be decoupled. Although economic growth is strong across all scenarios, environmental performance varies widely: pressures are projected to more than double, stabilize or fall markedly by 2050. However, we find no evidence that decoupling will occur automatically. Nor do we find that a shift in societal values is required. Rather, extensions of current policies that mobilize technology and incentivize reduced pressure account for the majority of differences in environmental performance. Our results show that Australia can make great progress towards sustainable prosperity, if it chooses to do so.

‘Sustainability’ provides the dominant frame within which environmental policy debate occurs, notwithstanding its divergent meanings. However, how different discourses combine to shape understanding of the environment, the causes of environmental issues, and the responses required, is less clear cut. Drawing primarily on the approach to critical discourse analysis (CDA) developed by Fairclough, this paper explores the way in which neoliberal and ecologically modern discourses combine to shape environmental policy. Environmental scholars have made relatively little use of this approach to CDA to date, despite the significant interest in the discursive aspects of environmental issues, and its wide use in other areas of policy interest. Using the case of environmental policy-making in Victoria, Australia, this paper illustrates how neoliberalism and weak ecological modernization represented sustainability in ways that seriously limited the importance of environmental issues. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Deep cuts in greenhouse gas emissions are required to mitigate climate change. However, there is low willingness amongst the public to prioritise climate policies for reducing emissions. Here we show that the extent to which Australians are prepared to reduce their country's CO2 emissions is greater when the costs to future national income are framed as a "foregone-gain"--incomes rise in the future but not by as much as in the absence of emission cuts--rather than as a "loss"--incomes decrease relative to the baseline expected future levels (Studies 1 & 2). The provision of a normative message identifying Australia as one of the world's largest CO2 emitters did not increase the amount by which individuals were prepared to reduce emissions (Study 1), whereas a normative message revealing the emission policy preferences of other Australians did (Study 2). The results suggest that framing the costs of reducing emissions as a smaller increase in future income and communicating normative information about others' emission policy preferences are effective methods for leveraging public support for emission cuts.