Search

The relationship between the state and informal land development in Global South metropolises has yet not received much attention in urban studies. Concerning that knowledge gap, this paper investigates how the state regulates and inspects irregular and clandestine land subdivisions in the Metropolitan Region of Belo Horizonte (MRBH). A mixed-methods approach, focused on the inner workings of the land development control policy led by the MRBH Agency between 2009 and 2018, provides new evidence of the relationships between inspectors, developers, and prosecutors, among other actors. By delving deep into the intricate nexus between a changing regulatory landscape and the bureaucratic, street-level, and everyday enforcement practices by officials, the paper reveals how land development control, directly and indirectly, shapes informal land development in the MRBH. Particularly, it sheds light on how land development control unrolls through a contradictory combination of overregulation on one side and tolerance on the other. In light of this, I argue that, as land development control evolves without effectively tackling the land question and the structural drivers of informality, the state becomes paradoxically entangled in the production of the same forms of informality it is expected to curb. Therefore, land development control is better understood as a fragile and ambivalent state compromise between the need to regulate urban expansion and market-driven informal urbanisation. By creating opportunities for rent extraction and capital accumulation which are explored by informal land developers, the state has been crucial for property-led informal urbanisation in metropolitan Brazil. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The administrative processes of recognizing Indigenous Lands (ILs) in Brazil can take decades to complete. Indigenous peoples who live in unrecognized ILs are more vulnerable to a series of rights violations, which makes the completion of demarcation processes urgent. This article aims to answer the following question: why do some demarcation processes take longer than others? We listed five conditions found in the literature on the demarcation of indigenous lands that can delay them. Next, we applied the qualitative comparative analysis (QCA) method in its crisp set mode to 40 cases of IL demarcation. We present two conclusions: the presence of economic interests is an important condition to explain the long duration of some demarcation processes, but it is neither necessary nor sufficient, and the conjunction of this factor with the judicialization of the demarcation process explains most cases of long-term demarcations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Nova Economia is the property of Nova Economia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article proposes a reconstitution in time of land regularization policies in Brazil, emphasizing the set of important normative transformations and administrative procedures observed over little more than a decade. It points to an intense effort to promote land tenure regularization that combined the most varied interests, actors and ideological nuances to regularize the vast stock of Amazonian lands. The environment favorable to the formalization of the land market and tolerant of illegalities encourages deforestation, encourages the expansion of illegal possessions and promotes an environment of insecurity and violence against the traditional communities of the Amazon. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1988, Brazil ratified Article 68, a constitutional provision that recognizes the collective property rights of quilombolas, who are the descendants of formerly enslaved Africans, many of whom had escaped slavery. Article 68 ushered a dramatic transformation in the racial politics of Brazil, one of the most unequal societies in the world. Brazil-the last country in the Western Hemisphere to abolish slavery, in 1888-became the first country to constitutionally guarantee the land rights of the descendants of enslaved people, in 1988. In so doing, the framers Of the Ouilombo Law undertook to redress profound, longstanding inequities in the ownership of reed property-the byproducts of more than three centuries of enslavement, land concentration, and racial capitalism in Brazil-through the prism of race, redistribution, and reparativejustice. However, while more than 6, 000 quilombo communities have petitioned the Brazilian government for land rights as quilombo-descendants (remanescentes de quilombos in Portuguese), only two dozen have obtained full title to their territories. This Note traces the historical emergence and repercussions of the Quilombo Law in Brazil. It argues that Article 68 and its fit®l enforcement reflect longstanding battles over land, citizenship, and racial entitlement in Brazilian society that began under slavery and acquired new forms during the twentieth and twenty-first centuries. This analysis divides into two parts. Part One traces the introduction of Article 68 at the 1987-1988 Constituent Assembly, explaining how rural Afro-Brazilians-who had historically advanced civil law claims of adverse possession to defend ancestral territories-came to retrame their historical grievances in a language of constitutional rights and reparations during a period of democratic transition from military rule. Part Two addresses the intertwined legal, political, and ideological battles that have clouded Article 68's enforcement for more than thirty years. Specifically, it explains how the longstanding denial of the existence of racism in Brazilian society, and the requirement of indemnitication for the expropriation of private property to grant collective title to quilombola communities, jointly conspire to deprive Afro-Brazilians of their constitutional rights. This legal history contributes to scholarship of constitutional multiculturalism in Latin America, democratic transition, and the centuries-long struggle for land, civil rights, and autonomy in Brazil and across the African diaspora. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Aim: Our aim was to quantify the influence of climate and land use on major fires that occurred during the 2020 drought over the Brazilian Pantanal region. Location: Alto Paraguay Basin, central‐western flank of Brazil. Time period: 2003–2020. Methods: We calculated climatic and burned area anomalies and Spearman's correlation between precipitation and sea surface temperature (SST). We assessed water coverage to identify the impact of the 2020 drought. We produced fire recurrence maps, identified the areas that burned for the first time in 2020, and estimated the carbon loss. Lastly, we assessed the burned areas within land‐use classes and land tenure. Results: The anomalies showed that climatic variables in 2020 had an atypical behaviour, being hotter and drier than the historical average. The water surface area in the Pantanal has been decreasing annually from 2003, and in 2020 the reduction was 34% greater than the annual average. Burned areas in 2020 were 200% greater than the long‐term average, and 35% of the burned areas occurred for the first time in this year. We showed that 84% of these new fires occurred within natural vegetation, with 39% of the burned areas occurring in forests, an increase of 514%. Forest fires were responsible for 47% of the carbon loss in 2020. Finally, 70% of the fires in 2020 occurred within rural properties, 5% in indigenous lands and 10% in protected areas. Main conclusions: The unprecedented fires in 2020 were not only a result of atypical climate, but also a consequence of the intensification of fire‐related human activities. Rural properties play a major role in Pantanal fires, requiring law enforcement and a consistent plan for increasing the protection of the conservation areas. We argue that ineffective fire prevention and the lack of suppression strategies were also key in enhancing the magnitude of these fires. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Many tropical forestlands are experiencing changes in land-tenure regimes, but how these changes may affect deforestation rates remains ambiguous. Here, we use Brazil's land-tenure and deforestation data and quasi-experimental methods to analyze how six land-tenure regimes (undesignated/untitled, private, strictly-protected and sustainable-use protected areas, indigenous, and quilombola lands) affect deforestation across 49 spatiotemporal scales. We find that undesignated/untitled public regimes with poorly defined tenure rights increase deforestation relative to any alternative regime in most contexts. The privatization of these undesignated/untitled lands often reduces this deforestation, particularly when private regimes are subject to strict environmental regulations such as the Forest Code in Amazonia. However, private regimes decrease deforestation less effectively and less reliably than alternative well-defined regimes, and directly privatizing either conservation regimes or indigenous lands would most likely increase deforestation. This study informs the ongoing political debate around land privatization/protection in tropical landscapes and can be used to envisage policy aligned with sustainable development goals. How land-tenure regimes affect deforestation remains ambiguous. This study shows how deforestation in Brazil is land-tenure dependent, and how strategies to effectively reduce deforestation can range from strengthening poorly defined rights to strengthening conservation-focused regimes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses the political discussion around the Brazilian ideal of immigration in the period from 1850 to 1889. The primary sources used are the annals of the Brazilian congress, official reports and contemporaneous records. The objective of this analysis is to capture the classic conceptions of Brazilian immigration policy in the nineteenth century. In this sense, it presents the thought of the Brazilian government, especially represented by the political and intellectual elite close to D. Pedro II, and the ideal of the aristocracy of the landowners, particularly the great coffee planters. This article shows that, despite the political influence of this landowning class, the Brazilian imperial government sought to dissociate European immigration to Brazil from the immediate interests of the Brazilian land aristocracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Tell us a bit about the meaning of these words for the Tupinambá people. b B Rosilvado Ferreira da Silva (Babau): b No matter which government is in charge, national power disputes always lead to the seizure of Indigenous peoples' rights in some way. If one parent is an African person, the child is of the Tupinambá nation and the specific African nation. For example, if a Tupinambá has a child with a Brazilian who is not Tupinambá, the child has dual nationality: Brazilian and Tupinambá. [Extracted from the article]

This article analyzes the effect of economic growth on executive elections in the context of a multilevel governance structure and how party ties across federal, state, and local levels affect the relationship, using data from Brazilian municipalities. We test the hypothesis that the president is the main politician accountable for economic performance, measured by local growth, and that party politics moderates the evaluation of the economic performance of state governors and the president. Our research shows that there is a high degree of interdependence between levels of government in the evaluation of economic performance. We highlight how party alliances strongly moderate the economic performance effects at the different levels. Using aggregate local level‐municipality panel data and fixed effects estimations, we show that the previous year's economic growth positively impacts the percentage of votes obtained by the incumbent in the presidential elections and that those effects are higher in states whose governors are allied to the president. Related Articles: Ondetti, Gabriel. 2008. "Up and Down with the Agrarian Question: Issue Attention and Land Reform in Contemporary Brazil." Politics & Policy 36(4): 510–41. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747‐1346.2008.00120.x Segatto, Catarina Ianni, and Daniel Béland. 2018. "The Limits of Partisanship: Federalism, the Role of Bureaucrats, and the Path to Universal Health Care Coverage in Brazil." Politics & Policy 46(3): 416–41. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12252 Zimerman, Artur, and Flávio Pinheiro. 2020. "Appearances can be Deceptive: Political Polarization, Agrarian Policy, and Coalitional Presidentialism in Brazil." Politics & Policy 48(2): 339–71. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12345 [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article "Brazil between agribusiness and hunger" deals with the land issue in Brazil and emphasizes the historical inequality of land ownership. Since colonial times, there has been a concentration of land in the hands of a few people, which continues under neoliberal governments. According to the Corporate Atlas of 2018, 53% of the land area in Brazil is privately owned, with 80% of the land in 16 states being privately owned. The Brazilian Landless Workers' Movement (MST) fights against agribusiness, land concentration, and social inequality, demanding agrarian reform and democratization of the country. Despite the strong agricultural industry, millions of Brazilians suffer from hunger, which is attributed to the political and economic project that exacerbates inequality. The MST advocates for a new agricultural order based on food sovereignty, environmental relevance, and cooperative work forms. [Extracted from the article]

Copyright of Revista Brasileira de Estudos Urbanos e Regionais is the property of Associacao Nacional de Pos-Graduacao e Pesquisa em Planejamento Urbano e Regional and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

As we ride the bus back to Belém from the Terra Cabana community, landless activist Moisés points out the bloom of construction sites along the main and only highway through this section of northern Brazil. Terra Cabana is part of the MST's northeastern "Cabana" chapter, named after the 19th-century popular revolution known as I Cabanagem i that sought to liberate the Paraense people from the Empire of Brazil. [Extracted from the article]

This paper aims to address the agrarian issue in the historical context of private property laws in Brazil, in an overview of some aspects that relate it to the National Agrarian Reform Policy (PNRA). As a methodology, it appropriates the meaning of the permanence of the agrarian question in the present time and, from it, makes a brief historical survey of the legislation related to private property in Brazil, reaching the present day. Therefore, it is based on the use of the peasantry concept, relating it to the study of the problems linked to the concentration of land and its consequences for the development of the productive forces. It is observed, from this study, that the concentration of land in Brazil coexists, side by side, with the concept of private property, being both constituted in historical constructions of wide scope, being the same worked ideologically for centuries and that nowadays have repercussions in the sense of hindering the practical application of the concept of the social function of the land, for the fact of this function not being absorbed by the Brazilian ideology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

According to INCRA data (2019), in Brazil there are 9,443 thousand settlements, and for many of them there is no forecast of land regularization. It is included that many of these rural settlements were implemented as a land tenure regularization policy, as well as a way of resettling those affected by big national development works. In this context, the Special Colonization Project of Serra do Ramalho (PEC-SR) is inserted, which was born as a settlement project resulting from a development policy in the 1970s. In this sense, the objective of the research was to analyze the confrontation of the peasants in the struggle in / for the land in order to better understand them as social subjects of resistance in the land of work and life, most of them "forgotten" by the hegemonic discourse of capital. It became evident that, with the expansion of capitalism in the countryside, peasants are increasingly subordinated to the subjection of land value and, in short, face a constant struggle against all means of expropriation. Resistance is a constant struggle by peasants to ensure that access to possession and permanence on land are constituted as rights of a sufficient land and agricultural policy to allow concrete actions, in order to historically break with the practices produced and reproduced in the countryside. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article is an effort to understand part of the genesis and of the processes that took place in the protection of the right to access mineral wealth over space-time. In addition to the laws that directly interfered with the use and occupation of the soil / subsoil, and the way in which the space is produced, with most of the deposits located in the countryside, this debate also runs through geographic science, the agrarian question, the reflection about nature and the territory category. The route covered important periods in the history of the formation of Brazilian territory, reaching the implementation of the New Mineral Code (2019). Thus, it corroborates for the understanding of the injustices in the legal propositions in the formation of the extractive-mineral territories, demonstrating the popular absence in the decisions and formulations of mineral public policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Indigenous territories in Brazil have existed since the pre-European discovery of the continent. Yet, many of them remain without formal recognition by the state. While numerous studies discuss the social implications of indigenous land (IL) designation, limited empirical evidence exists regarding its role in forest conservation. To address this gap, the present study employs a quasi-experimental design and causal-inference methods to estimate the effects of formal IL designation on deforestation across Brazil and its biomes, from 1986 to 2021. Estimates indicate an average impact of −0.05% on deforestation due to the formal designation of ILs nationwide, with variations ranging from −0.21% to 0.04% across different evaluation periods and biomes. Notably, designated ILs in the Cerrado biome had the highest avoided deforestation impacts (−0.12%, on average). No evidence of deforestation leakage was observed. The findings from this study suggest that while the promotion of formal IL designation can lead to consistent reductions in deforestation, the magnitude of its effect is relatively small to be promoted on the sole basis of an effective strategy to mitigate tropical deforestation and climate change. Nevertheless, the potential positive socioeconomic impacts of formal IL designation on indigenous peoples cannot be undermined. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In contemporary discourse, the need to address urgent environmental issues with a social perspective is widely acknowledged. While theories on policy integration have primarily focused on the national scale, limited attention has been given to the merging of environmental and human rights considerations in global supply chain sustainability governance. Drawing on policy integration theories, we develop an analytical framework for studying Human Rights and Environmental Integration (HREI) within global supply chain governance, specifically examining the deforestation-land tenure nexus in soy supply chains from Brazil to Europe. Our empirical analysis focuses on key policy instruments, including the Soy Moratorium, the Working Group on the Cerrado, the Round Table on Responsible Soy (RTRS), and the EU Regulation on deforestation-free products (EUDR). Drawing from extensive fieldwork in Brazil, we assess the integration of land tenure in these policy instruments, revealing a general weakness in this aspect. Nonetheless, grassroots organizations have played a crucial role in advocating for enhanced HREI, urging the inclusion of land tenure rights in instruments addressing deforestation. Our research highlights that, although global supply chain instruments may not entirely compensate for the deficiencies of domestic policies, they should, at the very least, strive to comprehensively address complex sustainability problems and prevent actions that could worsen existing issues or give rise to new sustainability problems. In conclusion, our study contributes to a more nuanced understanding of the opportunities and structural constraints associated with integrated approaches to interconnected human rights and environmental issues. • We study human rights and environmental integration in the sustainability governance of global supply chains. • We develop and apply an analytical framework to study policy integration in transnational contexts. • The article analyses the close inter-linkages between deforestation and land tenure in Brazil. • We show how hybrid, public and private policy instruments have insufficiently accounted for this nexus in Brazil's soy sector. • The study discusses reasons behind weak policy integration and bottom-up attempts to push for integrated approaches. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article is the result of a research carried out during the conclusion of the degree in Psychology, which aimed to investigate the life trajectory of settled families of the Landless Rural Workers Movement (MST) and the constitution of the identities and social representations of the landless subjects, starting from the methodological use of oral history to rescue memories and narratives that can highlight the stories of life and their constructions in line with the process of struggle for land experienced by them. For such analysis, a theoretical path is traced through the history of the agrarian question in Brazil, the conceptualization of oral history methodology and social representations, and the ethicalpolitical commitment of Psychology as a science and profession in listening to life stories in the countryside. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Retratos de Assentamentos is the property of Revista Retratos de Assentamentos and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The new Coronavirus pandemic has made a structural issue in Brazil more explicit: the pair inseparable concentration and inequality. If all the dimensions of life affected by the consequences of the pandemic and the negativity surrounding the virus were not enough, the Brazilian government took the time to "passar a boiada", that is, to send / approve reforms that, at least theoretically, need a broad debate on the part of society. This scenario is marked by contradictions, as at the same time that agribusiness advances, there is an increase in food insecurity, the latter being essential in combating the effects of the pandemic. The resistances are also renewed/recreated and the power of the feed is once again placed in the center. The purpose of this text is to highlight the contradictions of the narrative around the need to expand agribusiness and how, in times of pandemic, it takes the opportunity to forward / approve measures of general interest, especially related to the environmental / land issue. Although they are not directly related to the pandemic theme, the articles in issue 56 of Revista NERA show the multiplicity of the agrarian question, beyond the peasantry and in different regions of this country of continental dimensions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The object of this article is the little studied history of the Peasant Leagues created by the Communist Party of Brazil after 1945. I point out some of the reasons for the little interest that scholars have dedicated to such Leagues, in contrast to what was observed with the study of those that arose in Pernambuco in the following decade. I also indicate how, even after the party was declared illegal in May 1947, some Leagues continued to function. I also analyze how such activities were impacted by a gradual radicalization, crystallized in the "1948 Manifesto". This analysis was based on party documents, editorials published in the press and police reports. In addition to put into context the information obtained from the political scenario, an attempt was made to specify the different attempts to take over these entities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Knowledge about the activity of the timber sector and local industries assists in the management of a forest economy based on sustainable use in the Amazon. In this study, the situation of the timber sector of the municipality of Porto Grande-AP was examined to detail the extraction and processing of native wood from the Amazon and the sustainable use of this resource by the local sector. Forms were applied in all sawmills of the municipality, which collected information on factors of production and commercialization of native wood for the year 2017. In addition, interviews with local merchants were done and secondary data collection from several institutions related to the sector was conducted. All sawmills in the municipality exercise licensed activity and processed 69,300 m3 of wood in the period, with an average extraction of 21 m3/ha. The sawmills productive income was 55%, above of the 35%, maximum recently established by CONAMA. There is no destination for productive of residual waste generated by most sawmills and lumber is marketed mainly to the Northeast of Brazil for use in civil construction. Thus, in order to guarantee better economic and environmental performance of the sector, it is recommended that sawmills search for new forest areas as sources of raw material, participate in forest certification programs, and seek ways to use residual waste for bioenergy generation. The government recommends that new forests be managed through actions that solve land tenure problems and increase the supply of public forests, and for certified management units the recommendation is to reduce licensing costs, and simplify the bureaucratic processes of environmental agencies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Experiences of modernizing agriculture in Brazil have served as a support for the Mozambican government to propose substantial changes in its agricultural model and in the structure of its agrarian space. As in Brazil, Mozambique becomes a disputed territory to serve the expansion of the world agricultural frontier. In the specific case of Mozambique, the discourse of eliminating hunger, boosting the economy, increasing GDP - Gross Domestic Product, are corollaries of the geopolitical endeavor of large international corporations in the USA - United States of America, Japan, China and Brazil for the purposes modernizing. The work developed by Brazilian and Mozambican researchers and students, in view of this condition, is being built based on the following questions: why does the process of creating better living conditions require violent methods that erodes the collective land ownership regime? To what extent can the "modernizing intention" be assumed and justified as true? Fieldwork, survey of sources, organization of workshops in Mozambican Machambas, organization of symposia in Brazil and Mozambique feed the research and lead to reflections on the relationship between geopolitics and modernization of agriculture in Mozambique. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Direito da Cidade is the property of Editora da Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro (EdUERJ) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The objective of this paper is to analyze the paths and contemporary dynamics of rural producers and landowners of Brazilian origin in Paraguay, seeking to understand their logic and the current situation in terms of land control and tenure. For this purpose, a bibliographic review, analysis of statistical data and semi-structured interviews were carried out with 56 producers/rural landowners of Brazilian origin who are or have been in Paraguay. As a result of the research, it was identified that there are currently at least five different movements: i) producers who arrived in the second half of the 20th century and who remain in the same region in Paraguay; ii) producers and/or descendants who arrived in the country in the same period and in the last few years they have moved inland; iii) actors who arrived in the country more recently, investing in agricultural production and/or land acquisition; iv) producers who chose to hold land in both Paraguay and Brazil; v) rural producers who, for different reasons, return to Brazil. Therefore, there are different paths, movements and dynamics of this social group in relation to land in Paraguay. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What can we infer about the effect of polarized politics on the Brazilian policy‐making process? We attempt to answer this question by analyzing the country's political landscape and focusing on one specific policy issue concerning agrarian policies, an area that is exposed to much ideological conflict for both the left and right wing. We show how the mechanism has worked in this case to mitigate the polarization effects. Two political groups monopolized national elections over the past two decades sharing very different positions concerning ideological preferences. In this article, we recognize polarization between the two leading parties, but argue that the Brazilian political system features the dynamics of coalitional presidentialism that mitigates party preferences. We analyze funding data for small farmers and rural settlements for the period 1995‐2016, arriving at the conclusion that the agrarian policy of the competing parties resembled one another, despite political polarization. Related Articles: Ondetti, Gabriel. 2008. "Up and Down with the Agrarian Question: Issue Attention and Land Reform in Contemporary Brazil." Politics & Policy 36 (4): 510‐541. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-1346.2008.00120.x Segatto, Catarina Ianni, and Daniel Béland. 2018. "The Limits of Partisanship: Federalism, the Role of Bureaucrats, and the Path to Universal Health Care Coverage in Brazil." Politics & Policy 46 (3): 416‐441. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12252 Wolff, Michael Jerome. 2019. "Sharing Authority: The Politics and Practice of Community Policing in the Brazilian Slum." Politics & Policy 47 (4): 748‐774. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12322 [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Territorial development gained importance in the debates on the field in Brazil in the 2000s. Mainly carried out by the federal government and encouraged by international organizations such as the World Bank, FAO and IBRD, territorial development came to be a major novelty in academic scholars, corporate actions and public policies. This work evaluates the production on territorial development in light of the paradigmatic debate, showing how the Agrarian Capitalism Paradigm and the Agrarian Question Paradigm produce different interpretations on the theme. As a methodology, we make a bibliographical review of two authors who are the ones who most influence Brazilian production, each one representing a paradigm. The article is divided into three sections. In the first part, we present the paradigmatic debate. In the second, the territorial development from the Paradigm of agrarian capitalism. In the third, the territorial development from the Agrarian Question Paradigm. Our goal is to help researchers dedicated to the subject manage to have a new key of interpretation on the subject. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Jurídica (0103-3506) is the property of Revista Juridica and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Since 1984, nearly 1,000 people have been killed in the Brazilian Amazon due to land conflicts stemming from unequal distribution of land, land tenure insecurity, and lawlessness. During this same period, the region experienced almost complete deforestation (< 8% forest cover by 2010). Land conflict exacts a human toll, but it also affects agents' decisions about land use, the subject of this article. Using a property-level panel dataset covering the period of redemocratization in Brazil (1984) until the privatization of long-term leases in the Eastern Amazon (2010), we show that deforestation is affected by land conflict, particularly in cases of expropriation of property for agrarian reform settlement formation and when that conflict involves fatalities. Deforestation on agrarian reform settlements is much greater when soils are poor for agriculture and when the land has been the object of past conflict. Deforestation and conflict are episodic, and both agronomic drivers and contentious drivers of land change are active in the region. Ultimately, the outcome of these processes of contentious and agronomic land change is substantial deforestation, regardless of who was in possession and control of the land. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to present an analysis of the land structure presented in Brazil, considering that land ownership has become a constant struggle of the peasants, through the policies used by the landowners and politicians to not carry out agrarian reform. Through this analysis, it is presented the struggles of the MST and the peasants for the possession of the land in the State of Tocantins and the agony of the encamped peasants, whom for several years fight for the possession of the land, in the State of Tocantins. This study was developed from a field research. Semi-open interviews and bibliographic searches were used as research instruments. An attempt was made to answer the following question: what are the main problems and struggles faced by peasants in the camps to acquire title to land in the Settlement Padre Josimo I and II? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Pantanal is an extensive area located in the Center-West of Brazil, recognized for being an active sedimentation basin, of depression relief with seasonally flooded plains. The Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics (IBGE) considers Pantanal as one of the six Brazilian biomes, of national and international relevance. Its main economic activity is agriculture and cattle raising, favored by the characteristics of the relief. The demand for pastures makes land property fundamental in the Pantanal. Thereby, the representation of the land structure is a technique that enables the understanding of the agrarian question that surrounds the Pantanal. The objective of this work was to represent the land structure of the Pantanal, based on a spatial database of regularized properties made available by the National Institute of Colonization and Agrarian Reform (INCRA ), motivated by the unexplored potential of geoinformation applied in Agrarian Geography. The results point to a control of the land by the private properties that allows, consequently, the control of nature in the Pantanal, far beyond the public and protected areas. From the cartographic representation, it was also verified that the public properties are concentrated, in general, in the extremities of the Pantanal, as well as the small properties that, in the majority of cases, are concentrated in the limits to the North of the Pantanal. In contrast, large estates and large land holdings control the central part of the biome. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Religião e Sociedade is the property of Instituto de Estudos da Religiao and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Direito da Cidade is the property of Editora da Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro (EdUERJ) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Although not new to capitalism, Brazil experienced a dizzying increase in the Initial Public Offering (IPO) between 2004 and 2008. In the case of agribusiness, 18 companies made IPOs in this short period. Who are these companies? What were the objectives with the IPO? What are your drivers? What is the relationship of these companies with the global land grabbing? These are some of the questions that this article seeks to answer, when analyzing more specifically, two pioneering companies in their respective areas to open stock capital: one linked to agricultural grain production and another specialized in the land real estate market. These examples allow us to analyze the transformation of land into a financial asset, with the unprecedented integration between financial capital and land ownership, a sine qua non characteristic of the land grabbing process. Instead of a barrier to capital inflows, as the classic theory of ground rent points out, the examples demonstrate how land can be used as fictitious capital, with serious social and environmental impacts in areas of expansion of modern agriculture in Brazil. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The objective in this article is to analyze some aspects of the Brazilian agrarian question and to demonstrate it is still current and an important problem to be solved. It examines the historical events that prevented a more democratic agrarian and social formation in the country and how this problem was deliberately maintained by the elite of the country with the impediment of the accomplishment of the agrarian reform. Next, we analyze current elements that indicate the permanence of the agrarian question, especially the conflicts, violence and the policy of rural settlements. These analyzes support the substantiation of the central objective of the article. As a conclusion, we indicate that Brazil can still seize the opportunity for development that the solution of the agrarian question represents. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

From the perspective of Brazilian agrarian geography, the conflicts generated by land tenure disputes have as protagonists the families of the Landless Workers' Movement (Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem Terra), traditional landowners, and agribusiness corporations. In this article, we present a reflection on land conflicts and the spatial and territorial production of latifundia, peasant smallholders, and large-scale agribusiness through studies of the landscapes of two municipalities in the state of São Paulo. Among the various tools for analysing territorial disputes, Google Earth can be used for local, regional, and international comparative studies of how landscapes have been transformed. Informed by traditional research, the article analyses a diversity of photographs, from satellite to field shots, as evidence of landscapes that express conflicting social relations in disputes over different models of social and territorial development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of EURE is the property of Pontificia Universidad Catolica de Chile and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Brasileira de Estudos Urbanos e Regionais is the property of Associacao Nacional de Pos-Graduacao e Pesquisa em Planejamento Urbano e Regional and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

El proceso de territorialización de los asentimientos rurais es una discusión pertinente al estudio de la sociedad brasileña, a saber, los dos sujetos a los fundamentos de la creación de identidades y representaciones del movimiento socioterritorial. En este sentido, el artículo tiene por objetivo, discutir la cuestión del territorio, identidad y cultura en los asentamientos rurales, así como presentar el cuadro general de la reforma agraria en Brasil en las dos primeras décadas del siglo XXI, y por fin hacer apuntes de los trabajos realizados por geógrafos sobre asentamientos rurales en Rio Grande do Sul entre 2000 - 2015. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the last decade, Community Policing (CP) secured a central place in Brazilian public security policy, challenging traditional policing modalities known more for their lethal violence than their efficacy. But as the CP model moved from wealthy societies to the Brazilian favela (urban slum), it faced far greater challenges. Tasked with displacing the deeply rooted authority of drug gangs, it sought to extend state authority territorially, as well as to curb criminal violence. Paradoxically, it succeeded at the latter without achieving the former. Drawing on evidence from the Rio de Janeiro's Pacifying Police Units and Bahia's Community Security Bases, this study asks how Brazil's CP programs achieved their goals of reducing violence without displacing criminal authority. I argue that a common interest among police and locally embedded drug gangs in limiting violence led to tacit arrangements between them to share authority as a condition of peace. Related Articles: Moreno‐Jaimes, Carlos. 2011. "Is Local Spending Responsive to the Poor? An Appraisal of Resource Allocation and Electoral Rewards in Mexico." Politics & Policy 39 (6): 1021‐1052. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-1346.2011.00328.x Ondetti, Gabriel. 2008. "Up and Down with the Agrarian Question: Issue Attention and Land Reform in Contemporary Brazil." Politics & Policy 36 (4): 789‐815. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-1346.2008.00120.x Spalek, Basia. 2010. "Community Policing, Trust, and Muslim Communities in Relation to 'New Terrorism.'" Politics & Policy 38 (4): 789‐815. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-1346.2010.00258.x [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The biblical term "promised land" comes from traditions in the communities described in the Old Testament, as land that sustains and maintains life. The Pastoral Commision of the Eart - CPT acknowledges land use laws as practices occurring before land ownership laws, promulgated in Brazil in 1850. Thus, neither the land nor the wealth produced should be privatized. In Psalms 37:11, God reveals that the meek shall inherit the land. In Leviticus 25:23, He says: "for the land is mine, for you are strangers and sojourners with me." (CEBI, 2006, p. 7-8). The traditional communities live and occupy territories wisely and in community, by using natural resources in a permanent process of reconstruction and resistance to violence caused by agrarian capitalism. The the promised land has been taken by the agrarian capital that transforms land into merchandise, leading to the expulsion of the legitimate land owners and forcing them to make large profits, leaving them distant from their true and original objective, which is life sustainability for the peoples on Earth. Besides the land issue, there is also the inappropriate use of water by enterprises as a form of control of hydroterritory, that is, articulated forms to control territory and water, other fundamental element regarding life constitution and maintenance of all the peoples on Earth. The theoretical discussion resorts to studies and bibliographic surveys of authors who debate the topic related to the appropriation of the Brazilian Cerrado and traditional communities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

At the beginning of the 21st century, new elements changed the agrarian question, keeping forms of land concentration and land rent in the production of commodities, through the convergence of multiple crises: financial, food, energy, environmental and climatic. The appropriation of land and rent was intensified through strategies of land grabbing by the financial capital. We rely on the theory of the rent of land to analyze the forms of appropriation of different types of rent by companies controlled by the financial capital in areas of expansion of the modern agricultural frontier in Brazil, which engender territorial conflicts with peasant, quilombola and indigenous communities. Several companies establish relations with the financial capital in the modern agricultural frontier called MATOPIBA region, aimed at territorialization of agribusiness. This region shows large properties with capital and technology-intensive agriculture primarily directed to exports - intensifying the exploitation of produced differential rents -, thus perpetuating the agro-extractive policies inaugurated in the 1970s. High productivity also generates territorial conflicts over the ownership of land, water, labor, and produce. Such conflicts constitute the "conflictivity" that unveils the class struggle in disputes over territories and development models. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Small landholders' contribution to Amazon deforestation in Brazil has been persistent even after government actions have allowed a steep reduction in the overall annual deforestation area since 2004. We investigate land clearing and the incentives to comply versus not to comply with environmental legislation, allowing for selection into compliance or noncompliance due to unobserved perceptions of Forest Code enforcement. Our dynamic land clearing model is empirically tested through an endogenous switching regression method applied to data collected from households in the Transamazon-BR163 region between 2003 and 2014, when Forest Code enforcement supposedly increased. We show that smallholder compliance and noncompliance preferences lead to a selection problem that must be addressed in any land clearing behavior examination. We find that greater marginalization, longer land tenure and transitions to cattle grazing, but not agricultural rents, are major contributors to forest clearance and incentives not to comply with the Forest Code. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The main objective of this article is to hold a debate on the agrarian question and the centrality of the struggle for land in Brazil. Initially, starting from the reflections of the conception of land and capital, as well as the foundations of the expansion of the capitalist relations in the field and the contradictions generated between capital, land ownership and landless rural workers. From these considerations, we will make an analysis of the agrarian reform proposal, defended by the rural syndicalism as a form of access to land. In addition, we will demonstrate that the emergence of the camps constitute a period of crisis of representativeness of the rural workers, being the process emerging from the organization of camps as a form of struggle for land. The proposal is to interpret the agrarian question and the unfolding of this process in the formation of encampments as a result of the problem established in the Brazilian rural environment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: Brazil is one of the major contributors to land‐use change emissions, mostly driven by agricultural expansion for food, feed, and bioenergy feedstock. Policies to avoid deforestation related to private commitments, economic incentives, and other support schemes are expected to improve the effectiveness of current command and control mechanisms increasingly. However, until recently, land tenure was unknown for much of the Brazilian territory, which has undermined the governance of native vegetation and challenged support and incentive mechanisms for avoiding deforestation. We assess the total extent of public governance mechanisms protecting aboveground carbon (AGC) stocks. We constructed a land tenure dataset for the entire nation and modeled the effects and uncertainties of major land‐use acts on protecting AGC stocks. Roughly 70% of the AGC stock in Brazil is estimated to be under legal protection, and an additional 20% is expected to be protected after areas in the Amazon with currently undesignated land undergo a tenure regularization. About 30% of the AGC stock is on private land, of which roughly two‐thirds are protected. The Cerrado, Amazon, and Caatinga biomes hold about 40%, 30%, and 20% of the unprotected AGC, respectively. Effective conservation of protected and unprotected carbon will depend on successful implementation of the Forest Act, and regularization of land tenure in the Amazon. Policy development that prioritizes unprotected AGC stocks is warranted to promote conservation of native vegetation beyond the legal requirements. However, different biomes and land tenure structures may require different policy settings considering local and regional specifics. Finally, the fate of current AGC stocks relies upon effective implementation of command and control mechanisms, considering that unprotected AGC in native vegetation on private land only accounts for 6.5% of the total AGC stock. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What is the relationship between landholding inequality and rural unrest? And why does land reform that ostensibly addresses rural grievances sometimes exacerbate unrest? We advance the understanding of these longstanding questions by shifting the emphasis from how landholding inequality fuels rural grievances to how it captures the collective action capacity of landowners. Using municipal-level data from Brazil’s large land reform program from 1988 to 2013, we demonstrate that the relationship between landholding inequality and unrest is conditional. Isolated threats to landed elites in the form of land invasions are difficult to repel, generating a positive relationship between landholding inequality and one-off land invasions. By contrast, sustained, broader local threats triggered by nearby land reforms catalyze landowner organization to repel land invasions, leading to the reverse relationship. The findings provide a novel answer for why a straightforward link between land inequality and rural unrest is elusive and may generalize to a broad range of similar cases. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Retratos de Assentamentos is the property of Revista Retratos de Assentamentos and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista de Economia e Sociologia Rural is the property of Sociedade Brasileira de Economia e Sociologia Rural and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)