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Introducing the concept of intra-social movement backlash this chapter explores the "legacy phase" of legal action focusing on conflicts and debates within a social movement that has mobilized. Using a legal mobilization framework attuned to the recursive relationship between rights, rights-claiming activities, and collective identity, the chapter analyzes the mixed legacies of movement strategic litigation. Empirically, the chapter offers two illustrative case studies of intra-movement backlash in the women's and the disability rights movements in Canada. The findings suggest that while this form of backlash can have negative, disempowering effects, it also offers opportunities to challenge hegemonic structures within a social movement and re-imagine collective identities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines how policing, security, and intelligence agencies have networked with private agents in a campaign targeting Stop Huntingdon Animal Cruelty (SHAC) in Canada. SHAC is a network of autonomous groups that coordinate an international campaign to disrupt the animal testing corporation, Huntingdon Life Sciences. Unlike in the USA and the UK, where SHAC groups have been targeted by a series of extraordinary legislative initiatives that are coordinated at a national level, the campaign directed at SHAC-Canada has its root in the work of private detectives. Drawing from the results of Access to Information Act requests and interviews with SHAC members, we discuss how the preliminary surveillance conducted by private detectives facilitated a multi-scalar policing effort that includes a network of municipal, provincial, national, and international police-intelligence agencies. To enrich existing typologies of social movement repression, we emphasize the role that private security plays in monitoring activists and in providing information to public police. Our research suggests that public and private agencies involved in regulation of SHAC are networked through surveillance, engaging in information sharing that casts a wider net of suppression. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social movements have been important sources of change and social innovation in Québec, at the national level but also in each of its regions where they were imbedded. Grassroots social movements were the building blocks of what is now known as the "Québec model" of governance. This paper discusses whether a new generation of social movements could emerge in the Québec regions where new co-construction mechanisms for policies and programs have been integrated into regional governance structures. How does this new generation of social activists position itself in regard to these new policies and structures inherited from half a century of social movements led by their predecessors? The article will focus on structures and mechanisms of concertation of regional authorities with local/regional community groups. It is based on data collected in various research projects in seven Québec regions and on longstanding professional experiences and experiences in advocacy. A parallel will be drawn between the concept of social innovation inherent to social movements and the one adopted by regional authorities based upon Schumpeter's economical analysis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Anthropologica is the property of CASCA and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In Canada, women's rights organizations have successfully mobilized the law to foster gender equality. In doing so, they have been constrained by legal understandings of equality and discrimination, which have shaped their strategies to seek justice. In return, their mobilization, mainly through litigation, has contributed to craft or to alter legal categories (such as "substantive equality," "women," "sexual harassment," etc.), which in turn sustain their identities and their interests. However, claims made in the name of gender equality raise two issues: They tend to overlook the intersection of gender with other grounds of discrimination such as religion or race/ethnicity; and they tend to conflict with multiculturalism, a value enshrined in Canadian law. The recent decision taken by the province of Ontario to ban religious arbitration for family matters offers an illuminating case study of this tension between gender equality and religious rights in the Canadian context. This article analyzes women's rights activists' legal understandings of gender equality and religious/ethnic discrimination to explain how these representations have influenced women's mobilization against religious arbitration in Ontario. Bringing together the insights developed by critical legal studies about intersectionality and the study of legal mobilization, this articles explores through a concrete example the tension between feminism and multiculturalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Contributing to the gender and federalism debate, this article explores how characteristics and historical legacies of the Canadian and U.S. federations shape women’s activism. Following discussion of three positions gender scholars and activists hold regarding federalism, their shared view that federalism is gendered is explored. Reversing the causal arrow to compare how organized women circumvent or change obstructive federal arrangements, the text uses abortion rights campaigning to illustrate. It shows that the weaker pan-Canadian women’s movement succeeded in effecting constitutional and judicial change because of a favorable division of powers and preoccupation with Quebec. But a negative historical legacy and division of powers, counter-movements and partisan polarization limited the stronger U.S. movement to circumvention strategies. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The year 1965 represents a critical moment in the development and transformation of activist and student politics in the city of Toronto. This article explores the involvement of young Canadian activists with a variety of causes, such as support for African American Civil Rights, opposition to American imperialism, and the movement against the war in Vietnam. By matching their own political aspirations with those of their New Left counterparts in the United States, these activists participated in a larger transaction of radical thought, transformative strategies, protest tactics, and democratic alternatives. The adoption of this affective politics of solidarity was ultimately key to the emergence of more local, community-based activism, as well as the sharpening of an anti-imperialist critique within the emergent New Left in Canada. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2001, the province of British Columbia (BC) became the first Canadian jurisdiction to enact anti-SLAPP legislation. While this legislation proved to be short lived, the BC experience around the issue of SLAPPs is instructive for law reformers both in Canada and beyond. In this article, the authors describe the legal and political processes that set the stage for the passage of the 2001 law, and its subsequent repeal. They also provide a detailed analysis and critique of key aspects of the debate surrounding the design of the law, and consider its efficacy in identifying, dismissing and deterring SLAPP lawsuits. They conclude with some observations with respect to the current status of the SLAPP issue in BC. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An interview with Canadian sociologist William K. Carroll is presented. He mentions that the reason his family migrated to Canada from the U.S. was part of the influx of American academics to the country brought by the rapid expansion of the university system. He shares that his interest in sociology was at first a coincidence for he never had an idea what sociology was at that time. He comments about his book "Critical Strategies for Social Research."

This paper explores the role of social movements in the policy process and, in particular, the ways in which movements interact with, access, and deploy expert knowledge. In the technocratic model, citizens are conceptualized as undifferentiated, rather than considered in terms of distinctive identities or interests. Their inclusion in policy-making is viewed as a technical problem to be 'solved' through forms of citizen engagement, rather than viewing citizens as active agents in the mobilization of distinctive knowledges. Citizens, we argue, are more than the undifferentiated lump that appears in the technocratic model under the guise of citizen engagement. Drawing on a case study of autism activism in Canada and the US, we demonstrate the range of ways in which civil society actors both deploy and contest expert knowledge in the policy process, and discuss the implications for how we conceptualize knowledge mobilization in policy processes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay focusses on an aspect of Margaret Laurence's business correspondence: the intriguing unpublished letters between Laurence and Richard Nielsen, producer of the television and film company Nielsen-Ferns Ltd., and between Laurence and Gordon Hinch, Public Affairs Department, Imperial Oil. Nielsen and Hinch wanted Laurence to write a television script for them. Laurence refused because the show was to be sponsored by Imperial Oil. The essay examines the ways in which imperial language and values are embedded within the letters from Imperial Oil and Nielsen-Ferns. It also explains why Laurence was a particularly fitting figure to represent these companies' aims. The essay situates this correspondence within the world oil crisis of the 1970s and the implementation of multiculturalism in Canada. Laurence's rejection of Nielsen-Ferns and Imperial Oil's offer, the essay argues, is an extension of her broader condemnation of imperialism, the nuclear arms race, and indeed war itself. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This multimedia essay combines words and images in a creative performance drawn from our 2009 cross-Canada Whistlestop Project,1 a study of the diverse art practices of Canadian popular educators involved in the women's movement. We focus on the Tofino Whistlestop on Vancouver Island on the Pacific Coast, the most westerly point on this research-by-rail journey, which began on the Atlantic coast. The eight participants at The Common Loaf Bake Shop in Tofino represented diverse art forms: arts-researcher Dorothy; arts-researcher and photographer Anita; baker-designer Maureen; painter-collagist-muralist Marla; flamenco dancer Thérèse; baker-mosaic artist Stephanie; poet-writer Chris; and, poet-writer-videographer John. This essay unfolds as a show and tell of the research participants' art practices as they constitute popular education in the context of arts-based action research methodology of Appreciative Inquiry (AI) to generate personal and collective stories of life-affirming experiences of art as popular education. This video essay highlights the relational art of story- telling and story-receiving through gesture, performance, and symbol. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This chapter describes four social movements that developed in the early twentieth century in Canada. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This chapter summarizes the area of critically oriented environmental adult education, focusing on the relationship between historical contextual factors and Canada's current leadership in environmental adult education. A comparison of Canadian and American student environmental activism demonstrates how contextual factors shape nonformal learning and activism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Prevailing explanations of the increase in collective action surrounding victims’ rights in early 1980s Canada generally follow the precepts of political process, resource mobilization, and framing approaches in social-movements research by depicting the movement as a corollary of contemporary organizational, political, and cultural conditions. We find that the increase in activism, while certainly influenced by such factors, also required that victim-advocate groups properly manage, display, and frame the strong emotions associated with the victim experience – grief, fear, injustice, and anger – to maintain the internal integrity of the group as well as its external or public legitimacy. Our analysis contributes to social-movements analyses of how understandings of movement dynamics can be deepened by paying attention to how emotions play out in the process of collective action. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the youth activist cultures in urban Canada. It indicates the pressures faced by young activists which have been contributed by liberalism and neoliberalism. It explores the role of class and race in shaping contemporary youth activism, citing the works of Pierre Bourdieu, Sarah Thornton and Julie Bettie. It discusses the rituals of style as well as their relationship to consumption and identity. The author also indicates the symbolic elements of the subcultures of youth activists.

The article offers information on study based on campus climate initiative in Canada regarding renewable energy production to reducing greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions by targeting energy efficiency, behavior change, and institutional change. It presents several data related to the initiative which includes climate change literature, the campus sustainability literature and the social movement's literature. It further adds that 65 of the around 227 colleges and universities in Canada participated in the study as all the schools didn't report their student-led initiatives.

The article presents an examination of the development of contemporary aboriginal literature in Canada since 1967 when the country celebrated its centennial. It traces how the genre has grown since the 1960s and examines the literary figures who have made contributions to this development. It explores the political and cultural context during which this movement began and discusses how both have changed since the 1960s. It also discusses how the relationship between Canada's aboriginal population and the government has changed during this time.

The article discusses the cultural significance of childcare services. The author examines the links between childcare services and gender equality in feminist discourse, specifically focusing on the view of free twenty-four-hour day care as a key element of women's liberation. The author claims that childcare programs in Canada and the United States are severely underdeveloped, since they are seen as a private family problem in these countries. The economic aspects of expanded childcare and early childhood development services are analyzed.

This article is an attempt to explain and explore the paradoxes that are thrown up when feminist priorities flow from historical experiences of nation-building. The author draws on her experiences as a founding member of the South Asian Women's Community Centre (SAWCC) in Montréal and my engagement with feminism and feminists in Québec, Canada and the Indian sub-continent, to understand how feminisms can be antagonistic to one another as a consequence of agendas that are based on patriarchal imperatives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The increasing number of immigrant women in Canada who are hoping to pursue higher education has drawn my attention to the situation of Iranian immigrant women graduate students in this country. The author is a part of this population, and in her societal and academic experiences she regularly encounters the racism that continues to marginalize Middle Eastern women in Canada. This oppression has led the author to explore the roots of this marginalization and the possibilities for change and social justice in Canadian academia and beyond. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Health inequalities are an outcome of social inequalities and both result from the workings of the economic system, a governmental apparatus that maintains or reinforces these inequalities, and a public discourse that justifies these inequalities. The outcome of these processes is a skewed distribution of exposures among the population to various social (societal) determinants of health. Modifying these societal processes--thereby improving the social determinants of health--requires developing and implementing public policies consistent with reducing these inequalities. Two viewpoints dominate discussions of how this might be brought about: a) professionally-oriented rational or knowledge-based approaches and b) social and political movement-based materialist or political economy-oriented approaches. In political economies dominated by business interests such as those seen in Canada, the US, and UK, adopting a social and political movement-based approach is the most appropriate avenue of action. How this might be accomplished requires critical analysis of the political, economic, and social forces that lead jurisdictions to implement policies that either support or resist equity-oriented public policy innovations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The terms hospice and palliative care are often used interchangeably in Canada. However, these words have distinct histories, from which the authors explore their ideological roots. Questions are posed concerning the impetus to combine these terms--to unite compatible ideologies or perhaps to mask the potentially divisive differences between the two. The modern development of the hospice palliative care movement in Canada is reviewed in the context of a social movement. Here again, questions are posed: Is this a social movement that has reached its conclusion with the mainstreaming and medicalization of palliative care? Finally the effects of mainstreaming and medicalization are explored in terms of their impact on. the -- interprofessional team: Who benefits and who stands to lose disciplinary ground? An approach to forward vision and movement in the field is posed, which, rejecting a binary posture, invites a curiosity toward the question of what divides and unites us in the care of the dying. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Many social movement researchers question the usefulness of political opportunity as a concept. However, others argue that it can be refined by disaggregating different opportunities for actors and outcomes to understand the underlying mechanisms that influence each. This research extends this analysis by asking "political opportunity for whom?" Looking at Canadian Aboriginal mobilization, it assesses how different opportunities influence a broad range of movement actors and organizations. Using data from a 50-year period it assesses how contemporaneous, lagged and change regression modeling of opportunities affect results. The article finds that structural opportunities around resources robustly influence a wide range of mobilization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Canadian Journal of Education / Revue Canadienne de l'Éducation is the property of Canadian Society for the Study of Education and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article argues for the study of the middle class in Canada, an overlooked dimension of the scholarly works and public debates on income polarisation. The article includes four sections: (i) original empirical research, sharing snapshots into the status of Canada's middle class emphasising its changing economic performance; (ii) an exploration of the sociological and political functions of the middle class; (iii) an articulation of the avenues through which the middle class can be operationalised for study; and (iv) the implications of a deteriorating middle class, which suggests both a deepening of destructive effects of neo-liberalism yet also highlights opportunities for resistance. Recommendations for social movements are highlighted. While the context of this article is the Canadian experience, the political consequences for this study spread beyond its borders, particularly in the north where the benefits of neo-liberalism are accruing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the political, social, and literary circumstances that conditioned the literature produced and, in turn, contributed to understandings and valuations of literature during the period 1965-1980. It is stated that the era is uniquely important to Canadian literature because widespread changes in political understandings of national and female identities contextualized the appreciation of literature published during this time. Identity politics in this era was made up of two dominant social movements--Canadian nationalism and second-wave feminism--that prompted Canadians and women to think of themselves differently.

Copyright of Global Media Journal: Canadian Edition is the property of Global Media Journal: Canadian Edition and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article focuses on the native women's activism against gender, sovereignty, and rights in Canada. According to the author, the Native women's struggle against social inequality, and violence were fortified by the Indian Act of 1868. The Indian Act was consolidated under Canadian Parliament authority, which addressed the issues on the rights, and status of Native people in Canada. It also discusses the structure of the Indian Act system. It is inferred that recognizing the Native rights to sovereignty is the first step for the decolonization, and social justice for and by the Native peoples.

Like many Commonwealth countries, Canada and the United Kingdom have faced challenges to their territorial integrity from assertive minority nationalist movements, especially in Québec and Scotland. Successive governments have faced the task of identifying strategies to accommodate these nations within the territorial framework of the existing state. The accommodation of national minorities is a central task of territorial management within multinational states, and essential to the state's survival. This article draws upon Hirschman's analysis of exit, voice and loyalty, as well as Taylor's emphasis upon the importance of recognition, to identify the contrasting accommodation strategies evident in Canada and the UK. It concludes by suggesting that successful territorial accommodation will depend upon the employment of strategies that provide for recognition of the status of national minorities as well as the expression of their distinctive voice within the multinational state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The author reflects on the social changes in Canada after Pierre Trudeau was elected as Prime Minister in 1968. He cites that the immigration pattern in the country had changed in Trudeau administration because of the social equality principle. He notes the impact of the agreement among old commonwealth countries like Australia, New Zealand, and Canada on British who wanted to migrate in the country.

This article examines government and advocacy group texts on three recent Canadian domestic violence policy moments. Drawing on governance, feminist poststructuralist, and social movement perspectives, it examines men's rights advocates' and feminists' discursive actions and their influence on officials. The research aim is to explore the provisional, intrinsically incomplete, and indeed questionable success, to date, of Canadian anti--domestic violence advocates' strategies and tactics of resisting men's advocates' efforts to delegitimize gendered constructions of domestic violence. At the level of political action, the article contributes to efforts by feminists internationally to safeguard protections and supports for abused women and children in a political context marked by the increasingly prominent influence of men's rights and associated antiprogressive backlash. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the efforts made and the key dilemmas faced by First Nations, a meso-level organization, on its tri-partite treaty negotiations with the governments of British Columbia and Canada. It analyzes the relevant concepts in the social movement literature, as well as the accounts of indigenous political mobilization that contains the treaty development in both countries. It addresses the organization's options for mobilizing its diverse and unwilling constituents to gain leverage in the treaty process. Moreover, the treaty process has the aspect of a war of attrition between the parties which promote diverging agendas.

Social scientists are increasingly challenged to demonstrate how their research and new knowledge can be mobilized and transferred to the wider community in which the research serves. Knowledge mobilization can contribute to the development of policy research that will be more significant in solving the interrelated problems of immigration and settlement as well increasing our understanding of how the growing volume of both formal and informal knowledge regarding these issues can be more effectively utilized. This paper reports on our experiences with a knowledge mobilization project developed to enhance dialogue between key stakeholder to improve licensure and employment opportunities of skilled immigrants in Canada. If knowledge is envisioned to serve a larger social justice perspective, then it needs to be conceptualized as a communication process whereby knowledge is viewed as a multidimensional artifact which can be facilitate social change. We argue that knowledge mobilization through networks must emphasize access and explanation to all parties, to empower the public and to promote a serious public discourse regarding the socio economic inequalities faced by skilled immigrants. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

By propagating a hands-off "cathedral" or "art museum" view of nature, many environmentalists are missing an opportunity to further their cause. According to some recent critiques, only when environmentalism returns to its aboriginal roots, fully appreciating the immediate usefulness of all parts of the natural world, can it reach its potential. The present paper describes a winter camp for high school students in the Canadian Arctic, where students, under the mentorship of aboriginal instructors, were fully able to immerse themselves in such an eco-pragmatic experience. The paper then details the effects of the camp on students and the wider community. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the satirical songs and creativity of elder women activist group Ragging Grannies in their protests in the U.S. and Canada. They use humorous songs for peace, social justice, women's rights and environmental issues to draw the attention of public and authorities. Ragging Nannies intervenes in the political scene through wearing of outrageous hats, gaudy shawls and frilly aprons. The nannies composed the songs that convey their analysis of complex issues with melodies that could easily be recognized by the audiences.

There is a burgeoning literature in the social sciences on the politics of reparations for historical injustices. Using a case study of Canada, this article asks whether people with hemophilia who contracted HIV and/or hepatitis C through the blood system should be viewed as victims of cultural injustice. The dominant approach to understanding the claims made on behalf of tainted-blood recipients is the narrow frame of compensation for medical injury. Tainted-blood recipients are cast as the unwitting victims of a system that placed a premium on cost savings over patient safety. Giving contaminated blood to members of a community who were presumed to be already infected made sound economic sense at the time. As members of a tight-knit community, people with hemophilia have been stigmatized and subjected to school- yard taunts from classmates who viewed them as sissies because they had special medical needs and because of their association with a 'gay disease'. Weaving elements of social movement theory and the reparations literature, I argue that the inarticulation of recognition claims to remedy cultural injustice simplified the state's response to the redistributive claims made on behalf of tainted-blood victims. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

At the invitation of the editor, this article offers an overview of my personal research trajectory in one thematic area—the study of urban form, structure and growth. The purpose of the article is not to assign prominence to any particular research style or approach but to illustrate how ideas and priorities in research evolve over a given time period and under specific conditions, as viewed through the lens of my own experience. The article traces the sequential evolution of my research activity and publications from an initial emphasis on understanding change in inner-city land use and built form, through studies of decision making and the behavioural bases of urban form, to analyses of social change, income inequalities and spatial polarization, and then to issues of planning, policy and governance in emerging city regions. The review highlights lessons learned and concludes with an argument for more inclusive and comparative research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Canadian Woman Studies is the property of Canadian Woman Studies/Les Cahiers de la Femme and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

During the summer of 1993, some 10,000 people, young and old, joined logging road blockades to protest the clear-cutting of old-growth temperate rainforest in Clayoquot Sound, British Columbia, Canada. By the end of the summer, more than 900 protestors had been arrested for acts of civil disobedience in refusing to leave the road. In subsequent mass trials, many were then convicted of criminal contempt of court and sentenced to jail terms and steep fines for their activism. Led primarily by women and espousing feminist principles of nonviolence and consensus decision making, the 1993 protests and Clayoquot Peace Camp became the focal point of an environmental movement that eventually spread far beyond the Sound. Framed by the field of adult learning in new social movements and environmental adult education, this article examines the history of Clayoquot Sound protest, its philosophy and practices of learning, education and activism, and its outcomes and significance to adult education. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Empowerment and social change can occur in many ways (Nagda & Harding, 1999). However, to truly overcome racist and disempowering systems and practices, large-scale change should be conducted in a methodical, organized manner. Learning to overcome racist and oppressive systems must begin with social work educational institutions. Social work programs in Canada should demonstrate a more healthy and productive way to structure all of our organizations (Goodman, 2001). There has been much debate in the field of Organizational Development (OD) about the various ways to achieve truly diverse and inclusive organizations (Chesler, 1994). Although the consensus-oriented model of organizational change is easier to implement, true organizational transformation and integration is rare (Chesler, 1994; Hyde, 2004). The Multicultural Organizational Development (MCOD) model is one conflict-oriented change model that strives for fundamental transformation of organizations. Both the Maritime School of Social Work and the University of Toronto's Faculty of Social Work are Canadian educational institutions that have used the MCOD model to address the challenge of inclusive and diverse education. This paper proposes that all Canadian social work schools should use the Multicultural Organizational Development (MCOD) model to assist them not only to meet their accreditation requirements, but also fundamentally transform their schools to achieve long-term change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Indigenous peoples in both Canada and the United States have engaged in numerous protests. Nevertheless, although these protests led to an ongoing national social movement in the United States, this has not been the case in Canada. This article draws on the sociological literature of social movements to explain this difference. Both cases have some key factors necessary for the formation of national social movements. These common factors include making purposeful political challenges and using noninstitutional tactics of protest. However, other necessary factors—strong leadership by social movement organizations, well-developed political networks, and the development of a strong national collective identity—are much weaker in Canada than they are in the United States. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Before 1968, there was more diversity and more frequency of Native-directed social change in institutions, social movements, and religious movements in the United States than in Canada. When Canadian and U.S. nation-states exert direct administrative controls over Native communities and impose change, there are few options for self-directed change. Since 1968, Native nations in both countries enjoy greater possibilities for self-directed change, although the patterns are uneven and moving in somewhat different directions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents an analysis of one of Canada's first feminist electronic discussion lists, PAR-L (Policy, Action, Research List). Based largely on the results of an on-line survey of PAR-L subscribers, we show that, even among feminists sensitive to issues of diversity and equality, power differentials related to gender, age, language and professional affiliation influence on-line interaction. While we acknowledge that the co-presence of differences in a shared space creates tensions, we argue that it also has the potential to enhance democratic communication and deepen mutual understanding within the women's movement, leading to a greater sense of connectedness and well-being among participants. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper looks at "Canadian feminisms in action" in the context of transnational feminist organizing, and the attendant question of power relations between women. It suggests a conceptual framework called the "pedagogy of activism" to illustrate how reflective engagement in activism helps to name and address power dynamics. A list of principles drawn is offered. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Abortion Rights Coalition of Canada/Coalition pour le Droit à l'Avortement au Canada (ARCC-CDAC) is a bilingual activist group formed in October 2005. After describing the group's formation and its "virtual existence," this article places the coalition within the broader context of cyberfeminism, especially abortion politics on the Internet. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Synopsis: This guide to Canadian resources draws upon “Constructing Canada Online: Building for Web-based research into first wave feminism in Canada”, presented at the Multi-mediating Women''s Voices workshop in Hamilton, September 2004. The guide identifies the key resource discovery tools for Canada''s printed heritage, and then describes a number of specific format- and subject-based electronic projects. It concludes with thoughts on the proposed multi-disciplinary electronic initiative to support research and enquiry into feminisms and print culture. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

The article focuses on the nature of ecofeminism and its actions for the protection of forests in Western U.S. and Canada. The continued increase of forest protection movements are organized mainly by women. It must also be emphasized that local environmental struggles always take place in a global context, which always include the historical movements and intrigues of capitalism, the physical and cultural variability of the ecological region. A feminist perspective is relevant to understanding the global environmental crisis. Ecofeminism contains a constructive, prefigurative vision that attempts to transform existing power relations both intra and trans-human in ecologically sound and socially just actions.

This article discusses some of the most important factors of oppression related to international and Canadian policy and practices and the issues that ought to be addressed by social work practitioners. To understand the plight of asylum seekers in Canada, social workers have to have a general understanding of the international context as it relates to asylum seekers, and the policies and practices that have been put in place. It also means understanding policies and practices in Canada that have a direct impact on the lives of asylum seekers both as a marginalized group and as individuals seeking help. Asylum seekers find themselves part of an international scene which comprises large migration movements and efforts by nation-states to stop the flow of unwanted migrants. The article informs that until the early 1990s Canada perceived itself as a country of resettlement and not as a country of first asylum. Canada considered refugees selected overseas or privately sponsored to be the most important group of refugees to resettle. Faced with large migration movements and increasing asylum claims, Canada has now recognizes that asylum seekers are an important subset of refugees entering the country.

This article considers how we are to understand democratic media activism, which has recently burgeoned in Canada, the UK and the USA. What is its political significance and potential? Is it a new social movement, a new style of politics cutting across movements, or are new concepts needed? Drawing illustratively upon interviews with media activists, notably in Vancouver, we explore insights offered by social movement theory - including resource mobilization formulations and the new social movement theories of Melucci, Habermas, Cohen and Arato, and Fraser. While all these traditions offer valuable insights, media activism reveals limitations in existing conceptualizations. It has some of the characteristics of a movement, but lacks a distinct collective identity or niche within movement ecology. It may be destined to be a boundary-transgressing nodal point for other movements, articulating a coherent project for radical democracy, rather than a movement-for-itself. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]