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Copyright of Historical Studies is the property of Canadian Catholic Historical Association and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The concept of ‘emergent ties’ is often used to refer to the role of social networks in activating social movements. Yet pre-existing network ties were usually not a factor in initiating decisions of 50,000 draft-age American youth to migrate to Canada during the American Vietnam War. These youth often learned about the possibility of migrating to Canada through the news media and a widely distributed draft resistance manual. Once in Canada, they often became involved in networks that directed and sustained their movement activity. This suggests that the emergence and persistence of activism may often be distinct. This paper argues that a transformation process that leads to activism is often a life stage specific process, usually in late adolescence or early adulthood, whose explanation requires detailed attention to everyday behavioral activity; while the evolution and persistence of activism is often a life course persistent process that covers a longer period and involves the influence of more generically structured network ties. These patterns are demonstrated in a fuzzy set analysis (FSA) of early and longer term political activism in the lives of Americans who migrated to Toronto during the Vietnam War. We find that for both men and women, helping others was a necessary experience in transforming the resistance involved in this migration into collectively organized anti-war activism, and that a longer term tendency of the women who migrated to Canada to remain more involved than men in social movements is a product of their continuing contacts with the persons involved in their earlier activism. The results of our research underline the importance of distinguishing life stage specific and life course persistent processes in the study of social movements, and more generally that the study of social movements and the life course have much to contribute to one another. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article offers information on the interrelationship between ethnicity, gender and class in Canadian communism in the period 1922-1930. Ethnicity is stated to have been a contested and complex relationship in the Canadian Communist Party, whereas the Ukrainian section of the party is stated to have been numerically strong. The interrelationship between ethnicity, gender and class is examined by analyzing the content of the Canadian Ukrainian newspaper "Robitnytsia." Emphasis is given on the debate concerning women's equality and the role of women in social movement published in the newspaper.

As the formal "carriers" of the goals and agendas of social movements, social movement organizations (SMOs) are committed to both institutional and identity politics. Given this dual engagement, SMOs must attempt to reconcile their intraorganizational strategies for representation and mobilization with their intergroup strategies for instrumental action in the policy process. In this article, these tensions are explored in a case study of the National Action Committee on the Status of Women (NAC) and its involvement in the policy debate on reproductive technologies over 15 years. The article reveals how the NAC's capacity to influence and participate in the formulation of policy on reproductive technologies was challenged by its inability to resolve competing demands: those of institutional politics, which called for professional advocacy; and the internal demands emanating from its grassroots member groups, for deliberation and participation. The article also attributes the NAC's diminished effectiveness in the policy process to broader changes in the relations between the Canadian state and social movement organizations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article compares series of political protest events in Bolivia and Canada using the “Flashpoints model” as the framework of comparison. It provides a detailed account of events leading up to the ouster by popular protest of Bolivian President Gonzalo Sánchez de Lozada in October of 2003. The article situates the events of 2003 by reference to specific features of Bolivia's positioning in the global system; notably the effects of International Monetary Fund policies, international drug prohibition, and the consequences of economic liberalization for management of the country's assets. It also pays special attention to the affects of police development aid on the Bolivian police system. A summary narrative about a series of anti-globalization protests in Canada, based on existing academic accounts, is provided as the basis for comparative analysis. The comparison is used to test an hypothesis that currently holds sway in the literature concerning public order policing that suggests a trend away from “escalated force” towards “negotiated management”. While the evidence regarding the policing of political protest in Bolivia and Canada does not reveal a conspicuous convergence in policing tactics for crowd control between the two countries, the plausibility of this hypothesis is severely tested in each case. The evidence reviewed here suggests the opposite and is revealing of the undemocratic character of policing in the emerging global system. The article ends by calling for more comparative research on this topic, especially in non-OECD countries and places that are more peripheral to the global system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

To resuscitate means to revive or make go on. This paper is an exploration of my first six months at a Canadian university as a doctoral student. Through a chronological narrative, I explore my experiences through the governing relations of the academy as a way to provoke dialogue about the role of feminist researcher in the institution. By comparing feminine subjectivity of the ‘woman returner’ (Hughes, 2002) through the character in a feminist science fiction novel the challenges of the academy find resonance and meaning in a reinvention of self. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the author's evaluation on the implications of postfeminism on women issues in Canada. She states that any criticisms of postfeminism automatically slots the critic into the role of the relic. The problem of evaluating the situation lies on the presumption of the radical efficacy of individual agency.

This article aims to contribute to a discussion of the factors that either acted to constrain or facilitate the Canadianization movement's ability to frame the issue of Canadianization. In the late 1960s nationalists believed that Canadian universities were under attack and they fought back. This move to nationalize Canadian universities became known as the Canadianization movement. Canadianization was composed of a variety of individuals, organizations and institutions, pushing for change in the production and distribution of Canadian culture. The analysis uses two key elements of the movement community of Canadianization for the purpose of comparison. At one extreme were Carleton University professors Robin Mathews and James Steele. At the other end were organizations such as the Canadian Sociology and Anthropology Association which took up the issue during the early 1970s.

This article explores the impact of judicial empowerment on social movement politics and public policy using a case study of the lesbian and gay rights movement in Canada before and after the 1982 constitutional entrenchment of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms. The expanded role of courts in the Canadian political system has had substantial effects on public policy in the lesbian and gay rights area over a twenty-year period, putting Canada in the forefront of this area of human rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Lien Social et Politiques is the property of Institut National de Recherche Scientifique (INRS) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Much research into social movement framing activity has been based on qualitative case-study analysis of specific movements. These analyses are limited in that are they unable to systematically track any long-term relationships that might exist among a variety of social movement framing strategies. A series of hypotheses were developed that deal with the frequency and prevalence of environmental activists framing tactics over time, Which include the frame alignment processes of transformation and amplification, as well as core framing activities of diagnosis, prognosis, and motivation. A quantitative content analysis of news media stories about the protection of temperate rainforests in British Columbia, Canada, over a seven-year period was conducted to test the hypotheses. Findings show that amplification frames are more prevalent than transformation frames, and diagnostic frames are more prevalent than prognostic or motivational frames. In the discussion, several areas for future quantitative research into social movement framing are suggested. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The National Film Board's 1946 production "Holiday at School" was the culmination of a decade's work in university extension education by Donald Roy Cameron, the director of the Banff School of Fine Arts. Established by the University of Alberta in 1933 and shaped by Cameron's vision from 1936 to 1966, the Banff School promoted Canadian nation-building through the arts and contributed to the construction of Banff as a prime tourism destination and wilderness recreation park. The strategy was not unlike the way Canadian cultural policy in the mid-twentieth century approached national development through tourism in the national parks and through film-making by the National Film Board. All three institutions—the National Film Board, the Banff School of Fine Arts, and Banff National Park—constructed Banff as a symbolic national landscape for leisure and tourism consumption. The film "Holiday at School" was thus produced at the intersection of these institutions participating in the construction of citizenship in Canada after the Second World War: holidays at the Banff School became a site for the expression of postwar ideals of liberal democratic citizenship that encompassed public education, leisure consumerism, and Canadian nationalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article analyzes the use of Internet technology against the initiatives of the Free Trade Area of the America (FTAA). The Hemispheric Social Alliance (HSA), a transnational coalition of hundreds of western hemisphere's civil society organizations that opposed the Free Trade of the United States' accord, applied Internet to communicate, plan, instruct and pressure state authorities in an attempt to promote an alternative social-development vision. Internet made the struggle sophisticated and it has been escalating since 1997, when the HSA was conceptualized. The effect of the protest was visible in the second People's summit of the Americas which held in Quebec City, Quebec in the year 2001. The anti-FTAA mobilization that the HSA has been planning is limited largely to its North American partners in Canada, in the United States and Mexico. Internet technologies are used creatively by the HSA for the development of a discourse critical of the FTAA. Movement activists have worked hard to overcome the geographical and language barriers by planning, cooperating and crafting policy. Internet activism is changing the way of struggle against the power and challenging the initiatives.

The article focuses on the historical studies of human rights in Canada. Is there such a thing as human rights history? Certainly a number of recent works could be filed within that category. Historian Michael Ignatieff has sketched a brief history of the rights revolution in Canada, examining how, in the postwar era, rights talk has transformed. Ignatieff is vague about the early details of this revolution, but a number of other recent works fill in some of the gaps. For example, James Walker and Constance Backhouse have provided case studies of the way in which political activists and the Canadian legal system affected the pre-Charter human rights of racial and religious minorities.

This article uses the recent Canadian campaign seeking redress for the infamous "Chinese head tax" as a vantage point from which to consider whether recognition-seeking social movements are undermining the cause of egalitarian redistribution. Methodologically, the article seeks to complement the normative theorizing and conceptual model-making that have tended to characterize the "recognition versus redistribution" debate by focusing more concretely on the dynamics of an actual social movement campaign. The article demonstrates how this approach can help to identify important nuances in recognition campaigns that blanket claims about recognition's impact both ignore and serve to obscure. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How are levels of deprivation and resources associated with participation by First Nations in collective action? Although previous studies have focused on the relationship between deprivation, resources and thetimingof protest, surprisingly few have used these concepts to address the issue ofparticipationin protest. This paper presents the results of a study that compares the characteristics of First Nations with varying levels of mobilization (from participation in none to participation in several protests). Data on First Nation protest were obtained from newspapers and data on First Nation characteristics were obtained from several waves of the Canadian Census of Population. Multivariate analyses reveal that some forms of deprivation (unemployment) and resources (socioeconomic status) were related to First Nation mobilization. Explanations which synthesize theoretical concepts may, in future, provide a greater understanding of collective action than those explanations which are based on a single theory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the relationship between inclusive and deliberative social movement organisations (SMOs) and state authorities. Three perspectives are presented. The first perspective argues in favour of an autonomous public sphere, in which SMOs establish only indirect relations with state authorities. This perspective suggests that direct relations are unnecessary to exert influence on policy choices. In contrast, the second perspective advocates an inclusive state, invested with SMOs. While direct cooperation guarantees policy influence, it does not necessarily lead to co-optation on the part of SMOs. The third perspective is primarily concerned with the impact of deliberative and strategic ideas and practices on power relations within SMOs. It argues that state authorities have expectations toward the public sphere that sometimes feed into the tension within SMOs between the proponents of deliberation and those in favour of strategic action. When this organisational strife reaches a critical point, the capacity of a SMO to contribute to both deliberation and policy-making are seriously undermined. Our empirical analysis of the contribution of the National Action Committee on the Status of Women (NAC) on the issue of assisted reproductive technology (ART) in Canada during a period of 15 years provides strong support for this third perspective. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article uses Melucci's approach to social movements to explore how the women's movement changed education in British Columbia in the 1970s. The women's movement was a multifaceted social phenomenon with multiple agendas and actors. In the early 1970s, it developed a temporary sense of cohesion in the field of education in the context of a Royal Commission on the Status of Women. The movement remained constantly in tension with formal educational institutions but opened up new debates about education and new spaces in the provincial government and the teachers' federation. The debates were not resolved and the spaces were not stable, but the movement brought about significant change that increased equity and enhanced the legitimacy of education. The article concludes with a discussion of the place of social movements in a democratic politics of education. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Greater attention is now being given to the consequences of social movements. Relying on archival and interview material, this paper revisits Zald and Berger's notion of bureaucratic insurgency to analyse the dynamics of change and transformation in the Canadian Sociology and Anthropology Association (CSAA) during the early 1970s. Contrary to the Weber-Michels thesis, which predicts that as organizations age they become less political and more conservative, the CSAA became politicized as a result of the movement to Canadianize cultural and educational institutions. An explanation for this change is offered, which serves to challenge the Weber-Michels thesis of organizational transformation and its outcome. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Data from a survey of 471 leading 1960s activists in Quebec and English Canada confirm hypotheses that strongly contradict predictions about the nature of post-1960 movements derived from the New Social Movements theory. It is argued that a new approach to developing a post-Marxist theory of social movements is needed, starting from a recognition that the politics of the left wing of post-1960 movements are "new left," not "new liberal." [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores a particular expression of social activism by older Canadian women to consider its implications for later life learning. 'Older women', despite their heterogeneity, have tended to be pathologized as a part of the 'problem' of ageing and languishing welfare societies—i.e., stereotyped as passive recipients of welfare and healthcare services. Yet, they can also be seen as part of the 'answer' to the challenges societies like Canada face. Given the combination of a greying population and the growing tide of citizens' participatory democracy, it is timely and important to shed light on older women's social activism. Based on document analysis and fieldwork with the Raging Grannies in Canada, this qualitative case study examines the influence of activism on women's later life learning and development from an interdisciplinary perspective including adult development, critical gerontology, women's studies and psychodrama. Analysis focuses on the Grannies' motivations, the strategies they employ in their activities and the process of learning and changes they say they undergo. Themes emerging from document analysis, interviews and participant observation of 15 Grannies in Ontario are divided into three categories: (1) 'Raging Grannies' as a self-defined social role; (2) the Grannies' dual-layered mask strategies; and (3) their collective identity and sense of empowerment. These do much to explain the successes of Raging Grannies' activism as a social movement, which fosters older women's creative energy, critical awareness and self-assurance despite their physical and psychological problems in later life. Implications of the Raging Grannies' movement help us reconsider current trends in later life learning, which tend overlook the needs and abilities of women in the third age. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Gardening metaphors with English middle-class overtones were widely used in the late nineteenth-century child saving writings in Toronto, Canada to explain and promote the ideal mode of parenting and the objective of child saving. An analysis of gardening metaphors contributes to understanding mechanisms of bio-power on the site of child saving. This paper argues that the child saving movement attempted to install a mode of proper parental control that can be described as “the gardening governmentality”– it was primarily positive/productive (yet without excluding repressive elements), individualized, intelligent, and localized. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The research reported in this article should be read in conjunction with the first instalment, which appeared in The Canadian Journal of Library and Information Science / La Revue canadienne des sciences et de bibliothéconomie 27(3):25-44. The paper, a result of research funded by the Arts and Humanities Research Board (AHRB), provides a preliminary evaluation of the Child Rights Information Network (CRIN) and the work it undertakes in the child rights community. The first article introduced the research, outlined the methods employed in completing the first phase of the research, and discussed some of the results from the first phase of the research. This second article will consider the second phase of the research, provide a detailed description of the methods employed in this phase, and provide a series of conclusions about the CRIN, which may also be more generally applicable to similar non-governmental organizations (NGOs) or social movement organizations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Cultural memory not only substantiates but can also constitute redress for historical injustices perpetrated against Aboriginal peoples and ethnic minorities in Canada. This paper examines the uneven, conflicting, and contingent ways in which injustices are taken up in reiterative public remembrance practices. Linguistic pragmatic analysis of newspaper genres reveals that discursive gains made by redress advocates are vulnerable to erosion as the past is taken up in different contexts and resignified along differently interested trajectories.

An inquiry into the "Workers' Theatre Movement" in 1930s Canada provokes questions of periodization, tactical discourse, and "historically conditioned" memory. As narrated by theatre historians, the "movement" reimagines a past for a previously imagined future. In one direction, this leads to the conclusion that there was no movement as such; in another direction, it leads to the conclusion that the performance culture of the radical left of the 1930s was intensely rich, dense, busy, and polyphonic

This study extends previous research on age-group vitality around the Pacific Rim by examining the perceptions of urban and rural respondents from Turkey, Canada and the nation of Georgia towards young, middle-aged, and older adults. As in prior research, middle-aged targets were accorded the highest vitality, and a new agevitality profile was associated with Georgian rural informants. Some urban-rural differences in vitality ratings emerged, and Canadians rated the vitality of older people highest. Across the three countries, Georgian respondents rated young vitality the highest and older adult vitality the lowest. The findings are discussed in terms of dimensions of social change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Examines the implications of economic globalization and the Internet on the proliferation and mobilization of nongovernmental organizations and social movements who challenge the international trade policy through the World Trade Organization. Trade policy processes in Australia, Canada and the European Union; Economic relations.

Copyright of Deviance et Societe is the property of Medecine et Hygiene and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article offers information on the contribution of labour history literature to the Australian society. The journal "Labour History" publishes several articles on the Australian labour history. The Australian/Canadian comparative labour history project is stated to be a significant contribution of the periodical "Labour/Le Travail" to Australian labour historiography. The project is stated to provide confidence to the Australians for organizing national congresses and develop labour history in the country.

The term "blood activism" describes the range of collective challenges that arose among victims of Canada's tainted-blood scandal in the 1990s. This article examines the emergence of blood activism in Canada from the perspective of social movement theory, paying particular attention to the tensions between victims who contracted HIV through tainted blood and those who contracted Hepatitis C, the so-called "forgotten victims" of the tragedy. This study discusses how changes in the "political opportunity structure"—loosely defined in the literature as aspects of the movement's external environment—influenced the nature of political action pursued by victims of tainted blood, the negotiation of the movement's collective identity and policy outcomes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the impact of religion to civic engagement in Canada and the U.S. Religion is the source of much civic engagement. The great theorist of American civic engagement, Alexis de Tocqueville, saw religious values as the reason people could put self-interest aside in favor of communitarian sentiments that lead people to get involved in their communities. Clergy mobilize people into political and social action. Active membership in a church or a synagogue lets people develop and practice skills that easily translate into civic engagement. Religion may mobilize people to take part in their communities, but perhaps only among their own kind.

Debates have again resurfaced in Canada over the hiring of foreign academics to work in Canadian universities. Many are predicting a shortage of qualified Canadian graduates able to cope with the expected influx of echo generation students. In the face of such a crisis, some are calling for the elimination of the Canadians First policy now in place to limit the number of foreign academics taking jobs in Canada. This situation is not new. This article looks past traditional discussions of the Canadianization movement of the 1960s and 1970s, which tend to focus on epistemological issues, and examines it as a social movement. From this perspective, Canadian sociologists and anthropologists contributed significantly to the movement to Canadianization sociology and anthropology in Canada, as well as other disciplines. The hope here is that a proper historical understanding of the Canadianization movement, and its successes, will help us in evaluating possible solutions to the coming crisis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the sociological dimensions of the impact of feminism on Canadian sociology. Counter to the U.S. and Europe, sociology in Canada is still a young discipline. Hiller (1980) proposes a four-step periodization for understanding the development of Canadian sociology: first, a period of European transference, which ends about the time of World War 1. During the second period, which Hiller names the period of environmental adaptation (essentially the 1930s, 1940s, and early 1950s) sociology was taught in conjunction with economics and political science as part of an interdisciplinary approach. Hiller names the third period one of disciplinary differentiation and specialization (the late 1950s and the decade of the 1960s). The fourth period of consolidation, sarting in the 1970s, also involved the development of a truly Canadian sociology, stimulated and carried forward both by the Canadianization movement and the women's movement, which largely coincided timewise. In the middle to late 1960s the women's movement in Canada started to become a social force, kickstarted by the Royal Commission on the Status of Women. In 1972, the first session ever on women took place in the Canadian Sociology and Anthropology Association. It was organized by Marylee Stephenson, with three speakers: Lorna Marsden, Dorothy Smith, and Margrit Eichler.

Along with the other sectors of the banking industry over the last two decades, the savings and credit cooperatives have been affected by deep currents which are radically changing their form and structure. In Quebec, the Desjardins movement is at present involved in a fundamental reform of the organizational structures which have characterized its growth since the period between the two world wars. This article deals with the major transformations which the Desjardins movement experienced, from the creation of the first caisse populaire in 1900 to the situation existing at the end of the twentieth century. Using an approach at the junction of history and sociology, it considers the Desjardins movement as one of the components of what Alain Touraine calls a ‘social development movement’. We aim to show that the present changes affecting the savings and credit cooperation fall within the long-term historical trends, while at the same time reflecting new phenomena. We shall point out the most significant aspects of these new developments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Discusses the role of the Negro Urban League for African-American travelers in the U.S. and Canada in the 1930s. Social concerns of the organization; Contributions of the organization to the improvement in the lives of African Americans; Functions of the Negro Urban League's Department of Research and Investigations.

This paper explores the efforts of three social-movement organisations in Vancouver, Canada, to advance oppositional cultures in what Nancy Fraser has termed a 'post-socialist' age, marked both by neo-liberal hegemony and by the primacy of cultural recognition over material redistribution in the framing of progressive politics. Based on in-depth interviews with activists in The Centre (a lesbian-gay-bisexual-transsexual community centre), the BC Coalition of People with Disabilities, and End Legislated Poverty, we compare how these organisations frame and pursue three analytically distinct tasks, which we take to be integral to sustaining counter-hegemony: (1) community-building, in the sense of elaborating collective identities and ethical-political frameworks that are oppositional to dominant conceptions; (2) meeting needs of constituents in ways that empower them and prefigure alternative ways of life; and (3) mobilising and engaging in collective action to press for tangible changes in cultural discourses and social relations. The manner in which each group pursues these three tasks defines the horizons of its political project, including the extent to which the project involves 'affirmative' (reformist) or 'transformative' (radical) strategies of social change. Counter-hegemonic capacities thus depend in part on specific configurations of practice, which we compare across the three organisations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Discusses the challenge of conceptualizing locality in a manner adequate to the argument about the English Canadian intellectual tradition. Prospects for tying Canadian Studies to an emergent radical democratic and ecological politics of social movements; Description of locative thinking as thinking whose location is integral to the meaning of what is thought.

The article describes the findings of outcome and process evaluations of a value-based approach to smoking prevention. The program was conducted with a community of immigrants from Latin America living in Canada. The approach is based on participatory community planning, sensitivity to cultural diversity, and on a comprehensive philosophy of health. Qualitative and quantitative methods were used to assess outcomes and processes. Quantitative measures indicate that when compared to a control group, program children, ages 8 to 14, engaged in more community activism and showed a decrease in intentions to smoke; however, no difference was found in knowledge regarding tobacco use. The qualitative evaluation indicated that parents, children, and staff were highly satisfied with the impact of the program as well as with the processes employed to deliver it. Implications for improving the program and a value-based model for program development and evaluation are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper addresses the impact on midwifery of its recent integration into the provincial health care system in Ontario, Canada. Data are derived from participant-observation, primary and secondary source documents, and key informant interviews. Based on these data. I argue that midwifery has changed throughout the integration process but it has also successfully resisted change Specifically, the organisation of the midwifery community evolved from an amorphous social movement to a more bureaucratically organised professor The regulation of midwifery also shifted from direct-regulation by clients to professional self-regulation. The educational model of midwifery also changed from an eclectic apprentice-based approach to a more standardised baccalaureate degree programme. The midwifery model of practice, however, was sustained. Although these changes occurred at the hands of key members of the midwifery community, they were made in response to the structural context of the health care system into which they were attempting to become integrated. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although Canadian sociologists, responding to such issues as Canadianization, feminism, and postmodernism, have over the past quarter century shown a strong interest in writing historical narratives about their discipline, they have tended to locus exclusively on university-based sociology. This focus has obscured the extent to which "sociological discussion" was a broadly-based intellectual activity in the North Atlantic world, especially among self-taught working-class intellectuals fired by evolutionary theory and a sense of sociology's emancipatory potential. Cohn McKay, one of the most prolific and important of these working-class sociologists in Canada, exemplified their general tendency to work within a paradigm influenced by both Karl Marx and Herbert Spencer. His work., taken as an outstanding example of radical sociological writings in this tradition, had important things to say about class, culture, and capitalism in Canada. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents information on a case study on women's participation in the anti-uranium mining movement in Nova Scotia, Canada in 1981-1983. The anti-toxic movement was a loose coalition of organizations fighting against local hazardous waste disposal or production facilities. Women predominated in its leadership roles. The gendered recruitment to this movement is explained by a fit between the community health focus of its issues and women's traditional role-the motherhood effect. The fact that women played a central organizational role is explained in two ways. Women have greater structural availability than men do; that is, they are less likely to be in the labor force. Women's local networks, based on ties of kinship and domestic labor, provide more powerful support than do men's. Literature on the anti-toxic movement offers a model of these women as housewife activists, whose politics are embedded in the sphere of the private, the concrete and the particular. The movement has also been credited with the creation of a new sort of feminist.

The alternative agriculture paradigm has been a useful device to both define and direct a social movement toward a more sustainable agriculture. But because that paradigm was defined by male movement leaders, it reflects their gendered perspective and may he lacking elements that make it more useful for both women and men. In-depth inter- views of women involved in sustainable farming organizations and on family farms experimenting with new practices validated the elements of the Beus and Dunlap paradigm: independence, decentralization, community, harmony with nature, diversity, and restraint, but also suggested the addition of two other elements that the women identified as part of an alter- native agriculture vision: quality family life and spirituality. The highly gendered nature of agriculture in the U.S. and Canada, where male identity is highly conflated with the role of farmer in the conventional paradigm. may make it more difficult for men who have just joined the movement to articulate the aspects of quality family life and spirituality which the women saw as critical. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The policing of protest at international events conflicts with the political and policing culture of the host nation. Previous research shows a trend toward softer, more tolerant styles of policing protest within various Western democracies. We present a case study of an exception: the repression of protest at an international event in which one Western democracy hosted rulers of less democratic regimes in a ritual celebration of economic globalization. We explore reasons why, in the face of protests about undemocratic regimes elsewhere, the Canadian government and police were willing to use blatantly undemocratic tactics popularly believed to be more characteristic of those other regimes. Implications are discussed concerning protest policing, economic globalization, the nation-state and social movements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article we ask why some unions in Canada and the United States were more actively opposed to NAFTA than others, and why these "activist" unions differed in the strategies that they adopted for fighting NAFTA and in the alternatives that they offered to it. We ask the same questions about differences between the U.S. and Canadian labor movements as embodied in the rhetoric and behavior of their central federations. We distinguish four union "types" on two dimensions: the inclusiveness of union leaders' collective identity (i.e., the kinds of workers that the union actively seeks to organize), and the radicalness of union leaders' moral economy (i.e., how critical the union is of the status quo political economy) We hypothesize that differences in union type, so defined, explain a significant part of the variation in the levels of union activism against NAFTA in both countries, as well as differences in strategies of opposition. Differences in the relative strength of union types also hypothesized to be an important factor explaining strategic differences between the two national labor federations We use statistical analysts of survey data, as well as qualitative analysis of institutional variables, to operationalize and assess these hypotheses. We find considerable support for them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Current analyses of social movements in Canada focus primarily on the internal methods by which state hegemonic practices are challenged in an attempt to transform the relations of power. As a result, little attention is given to the methods by which the state increasingly constrains and channels social movements into particular directions Chat are crucial to the direction and ultimate success, or damise, of social movements. This paper looks atone way in which the state now intervenes to pre-empt antagonistic groups that have the potential to become full social movements, by co-opting them into little more than interest groups. Specifically, this paper attempts to show how the state successfully prevented a potential social movement on Prince Edward Island from reaching fruition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the pro-family movement in Canada. The pro-family movement organized in Canada in 1983 around a number of symbolic issues related to a defense of the traditional family and conservative moral values. This paper explores the likelihood of the pro-family leadership succeeding in this endeavor. To this end, the origins and the ideological development of the movement are discussed and empirical data on the socio-demographic background and the political beliefs of the membership are presented. In light of these data, the movement's potential to generate a consensus among its membership in support of a broad attack on social services and welfare spending is explored. Linked to the question of national impact is a prior question of mobilization. While the literature on social movements is rich in theories concerning how movements get started, there is little to guide explorations of the maintenance and reactivation of membership commitment -- especially when leaders of existing movements attempt to redefine the groups and social influences that are to be opposed.

This paper examines feminist social movements in both the United States and Canada and describes and analyses the anti-feminist countermovements that have repeatedly arisen in response to them. The dialectical relationship that has existed between these movements for the last century is documented in an effort to further understand the nature and character of these two groups. Specific attention is paid to the role of the pro-family movement in Canada in opposing contemporary feminist goals. It is shown that an interdependence has developed - with the formulation of sophisticated programs, ideologies and strategies on both sides - as the struggle for dominance has intensified. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]