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As both a marriage act and an immigration act, the Expatriation Act of 1907 restricted U.S. women's freedom of marriage by stating that marrying aliens would lead to loss of U.S. citizenship. To study the effects of the Expatriation Act, I conduct a statistical analysis using 1910 full-count U.S. census data. I find that the Expatriation Act of 1907 generated significantly negative effects on intermarriage between American women and foreign-born men, particularly noncitizens. In particular, I find that it was the citizenship, rather than men's non-U.S. origin, that accounted for the negative effects of the Expatriation Act of 1907 on intermarriage. These results show a decline in male immigrants' marital assimilation, and potentially social and economic assimilation. As for the magnitude, the effects were large: the decline in intermarriage was at least 15 percent relative to the pre-Act intermarriage rate. Besides these main results, selective emigration to Canada and Europe driven by intermarriage cannot explain the main empirical results of the paper. The Expatriation Act of 1907 also had no significant effects on women's entry into the marriage market. Finally, the effects of the Expatriation Act of 1907 on intermarriage were heterogeneous by family immigration background, but less so by geographic region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this qualitative community-based research, we explore service providers' use of activism-based resources and the supports they need to use activism as a tool to promote the mental health and wellbeing of racialized immigrant women. 19 service providers working in settlement and mental health services in the Greater Toronto Area, Canada, participated in one of three focus groups. We analyzed the data using a postcolonial feminist lens. Service providers' understandings of activism, strategies for promoting client mental health and wellbeing, and organizational barriers shaping their practice emerged as relevant. We offer recommendations for building activism-based resources, programs and services that include collaborations with racialized immigrant women communities and action at the organizational level to support service provider practice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article focuses on attempts by settler colonial states to deport Indigenous non-citizens. The concept of "Indigenous anti/deportation" is introduced to capture both the inseparability of deportation from its contestation, as well as the unique stakes involved in contesting the imminent deportation of members of Indigenous communities. Comparing cases in Canada and Australia, Indigenous anti/deportation highlights fundamentally divergent claims of sovereignty, the assertion of Indigenous citizenship orders, and a transformation of how belonging is understood in contexts of settler colonial occupation. This article concludes by considering the implications of cases of Indigenous anti/deportation for future struggles for Indigenous sovereignty and for solidarity-building between migrants and Indigenous peoples. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the relationship between temporary labor migration programs (TLMPs) in the post-war era and middle-class nation-building. The analysis centers on Canada, an exemplary case of balancing the rights of foreign workers and national concerns. By examining two eras of Canadian TLMPs – one Keynesian and the other neoliberal – I foreground how and why temporariness has reemerged as a norm in (im)migration policy. Relative to TLMPs before 1990, contemporary ones emphasize merit, skill, and private actors with implications for how countries like Canada imagine political belonging. In the neoliberal era, the normative emphasis on permanence is challenged by a more transactional view of people's standing in a political jurisdiction. If this is a global shift, this analysis raises questions about whether we are now experiencing a doubling down on the market logics of migration and national membership, a backlash against it, or something different. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite the greater visibility of sexual and gender minorities, due to data limitations, the quantitative literature on their citizenship outcomes is very limited. Using a large original survey of Canadian sexual and gender minorities and the Canadian General Social Survey, this article first examines the extent of political inclusion of sexual and gender minorities, as measured by sense of belonging to Canada and the province of residence, likelihood of voting, and confidence in the police and the justice system. Sexual and gender minorities are generally found to have a markedly weaker sense of belonging to Canada and confidence in its institutions. Next, these patterns are re‐examined accounting for the degree of outness. The results indicate considerable discrepancies across sexual and gender minorities in how outness affects their citizenship outcomes. In particular, it seems that the sociopolitical profile of these groups plays an important mediating role in the effects of outness on their citizenship outcomes. Related Articles: Burnett, Craig M., and Aaron S. King. 2015. "The Personal Politics of Same‐Sex Marriage." Politics & Policy 43(4): 586–610. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12126. Lewis, Gregory B., Marc A. Rogers, and Kenneth Sherrill. 2011. "Lesbian, Gay, and Bisexual Voters in the 2000 US Presidential Election." Politics & Policy 39(5): 655–77. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747‐1346.2011.00315.x. Winburn, Jonathan, and Amanda Winburn. 2020. "The Role of Political Ideology in Public Opinion toward Enumerated Antibullying Policies in Public Schools." Politics & Policy 48(3): 442–63. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12355. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While the values and practices usually subsumed under the notion of "good citizenship" are said to have changed dramatically over the past 25 years or so, scholars are still struggling to characterize the concrete nature of these changes. Proposing a novel interdisciplinary approach that marries normative theory with empirically driven political sociology, in this paper we examine the explanations and justifications that flanked a plethora of new citizenship policies implemented under the former Stephen Harper-led Conservative government (2006–2015) in Canada. Critically employing Amitai Etzioni's comparative typology of citizenship philosophies, we examine three types of Conservative policy discourses pertaining to citizenship, namely speeches given by the Minister of Citizenship and Immigration, speeches given by members of the Conservative Party in the House of Commons, and government press releases. In contrast to Etzioni's optimistic presentation of neo-communitarianism in political and philosophical terms, our study reveals that the exclusionary discourses and practices that accompany this approach in practice demand greater attention. In the case of the Harper Conservatives, we argue that their approach is best understood as a re-communitarianization of citizenship in neoliberal times that creatively, but only sparingly, invokes libertarian and liberal ideals in comparison to its use of what we identify to be (1) patriotic and (2) insecure communitarian discourses. Our findings point to both the exclusionary potentials and realities of neo-communitarian citizenship. They contribute to scholarship that argues the that the destruction of social ties, solidarity and "community" through neoliberal and neoconservative politics is often camouflaged and/or advanced by aggressive neo-communitarian discourses that harken back to or reinvent past ethnic or monocultural nationalisms, while only selectively including "deserving" Others at the margins. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objectives: The Building Capacity Project is an asset‐based community development initiative that aims to reduce stigma and promote social inclusion for people with dementia. Using a community‐based participatory approach, we conducted research to examine the relational patterns and participatory practices within and across project sites in two different regions of Canada (Vancouver and Thunder Bay). Methods: Five focus groups and five individual interviews were conducted with team members and community partners (n = 29) and analysed for themes. Results: The overarching theme of Making Space at the Table explains how the participation of people with dementia has served both as a value and a practice shaping the relational work throughout the project. Three sub‐themes include: Maintaining a common foundation; Creating communication pathways; and Fostering personal connections. Conclusions: Together, these findings show how community development can support the meaningful participation of people with dementia in their communities through processes of collaboration that focus on individual and collective strengths, that allow time for the work to unfold, and for building relationships that foster trust and respect for diversity. Key points: Collaborations that are based on common values help foster diverse ways for people with dementia to participate and contribute in their communities.Building on existing networks is an effective way to scale out new ideas for engaging participation of people with dementia in their communities.Ensuring opportunities for people with dementia to develop strong personal ties with each other and work together as a group builds confidence and motivation to engage in community development work. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The production of fruit, vegetables, and other horticultural crops in Canada relies upon the embodied labour of migrant agricultural workers who plant, prune, and harvest these crops. Using a feminist geopolitical lens, I foreground the bodies of these workers as these bodies are situated at the intersection of everyday lived experiences and systems of capitalist production through, in this case, Canada's Seasonal Agricultural Worker Program (SAWP). Drawing on workers' experiences of their bodies in the context of the regulatory provisions of the SAWP, I highlight the contradictory disembodiment of agricultural workers at the same time that their bodies are necessary to provide the physical labour at the heart of fruit and vegetable production. The disembodiment of these workers is possible because of their status as racialized non-citizens: while Canadians can insist upon the recognition of their bodies, migrant agricultural workers cannot. The disjuncture between embodied labour and embodied subjectivities was exacerbated with the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic, which disproportionately affected on migrant agricultural workers - through their bodies - while in Canada. Given the relative safety afforded to those who held citizenship (and other permanent) status in Canada, I argue that the active disembodiment of migrant agricultural workers in Canada demonstrates the ways that embodiment is a privilege that is tightly bound to citizenship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This themed section examines how inequality constrains and enables contemporary human movement at state border crossings. It responds directly to questions, practices, and knowledge gaps that arise from critical migration/refugee studies, critical tourism studies, border studies, and/or mobility justice research by denaturalizing assumptions about the rights of some to choose to move across borders freely and others who are forced to leave, denied access, or detained. In so doing, we highlight research on human mobilities and borders in Canada to advance understandings on the dynamics of territorial control and access to state borders. What links the articles is the commitment to examining the reproduction of power through the following three shared understandings and starting points: (1) a critique of the Canadian nation state's global reputation as exceptionally humanitarian (Nguyen and Phu 2021); (2) a consideration of the global entanglements of racial capitalism and colonialism that structures human movement (Gutiérrez Rodríguez 2018); and (3) an understanding that the mobilities of some and the immobilities of others coexist and are in fact co-produced (Ahmed et al. 2020; Bauman 1998; Sheller 2018). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article looks at the implications of medical colonialism in Canada for the feminist concept of care. Because medical colonialism is an ongoing material relation where "good" settler care cannot be separated from Indigenous dispossession, I defend the view that care and violence can be coextensive and suggest that a decolonial care ethic needs to disrupt the directionality of care as flowing from agential carers toward colonized care-receivers. I argue that contemporary medical colonialism should indeed be understood as a form of care if structural harm is to be addressed in practice, and trouble the notion of inclusion at work in some contemporary theories of care. By finding demands for assimilationist "participatory inclusion" in examples of government-run, Indigenous-serving care services, I caution against the implicit settler-colonial assumptions in notions of "caring democracies" and "caring societies" on the welfare-state model. If care is political and can participate in the normative pressures of civic assimilation, then to "decolonize" it through refraction, disruption, infiltration, disconnection, re-appropriation, and resistance also means to "decolonize" citizenship and civic life in the interests of Indigenous self-determination, rather than presumed inclusion in settler-state processes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Age group typically identifies millennials – those born between 1982 and 2004. Yet our research challenges the designation based on age group by considering this population in the context of an individual's citizenship or culture. Based on tenets of social identity theory, we explore a citizen's personal value orientation and cognitive moral reasoning to discover commonalities or differences across individuals from eight countries. We report wide variations among citizens' personal value orientations and principled moral reasoning despite being borne within an identified age group. We conclude that an individual's geographic context is a stronger classification descriptor based on values and moral reasoning than their age-based generational categories. Implications for business practice and scholarly research are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Attention to children's emotional development in Canadian schools is often presented as a very recent concern. In fact, competing conceptions of students' emotional well-being informed educational discourses throughout the twentieth century. This article examines educators' changing ideals regarding good citizenship, particularly the affective attributes or expressions attached to those ideals, and argues that educational discourse has shifted from an emphasis on creating citizens with a "disciplined intelligence" to promoting a "culture of care." The first half of the twentieth century witnessed the melding of a nineteenth-century Anglo-Christian moral imperative with a more modern emphasis on the search for personality. While this thrust lingered well into the century, educators increasingly embraced a culture of rights alongside evolving ideas about personality development from the 1950s to the 1980s. In the process, they prioritized self-expression or "self-actualization." Beginning in the 1980s, educators transformed loose edicts about students' personal fulfillment into more concrete pursuits of engaged pedagogy, active citizenship, and, increasingly, a "culture of care" within the classroom. In tracing these shifting emphases, this article highlights the need for critical analysis of the affective dimensions of education to better understand both the historic and current role of schools in shaping citizens. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Introduction: Public health officials provide an important public service responding to community concerns around cancer and often receive requests to investigate patterns of cancer incidence and communicate findings with citizens. In this study, we identified procedures Canadian public health officials followed when investigating reports of cancer clusters, and explored the challenges officials faced conducting risk communication with communities. Methods: Thirteen interviews were administered by telephone with 15 officials across Canadian jurisdictions and analyzed using thematic analysis. A content analysis of procedural documents received from five provinces was also undertaken. Results: A third of provinces/territories in this study did not use any consistent guidelines to investigate reports of cancer clusters, a third used their own guidelines and a third used guidelines from other countries. Each Canadian jurisdiction identified a different agency or individual responsible for investigating cluster inquiries. Officials in most interviews considered public education to be the primary objective of risk communication during an investigation. Officials in only 4 of 13 interviews cited an overall positive response from the public after investigating reports of a cancer cluster. Conclusion: Differences in practices used to investigate suspected cancer clusters by public health officials were revealed in this work. Establishing pan-Canadian cancer cluster guidelines could improve procedural consistency across jurisdictions and offer enhanced opportunities to compare cluster responses for evaluation. A reporting system to track reported clusters may improve information sharing between federal, provincial/territorial and local investigators. During formal investigations, face-to-face participatory communication approaches should be explored to improve citizen engagement and manage community concerns. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Migration is increasing at unprecedented rates worldwide, but inadequate mechanisms for granting citizenship or permanent residence have rendered many immigrants without legal status. We study the health of people without immigration status in Canada, building on a 2010 review on being without status and health. We employ an expanded definition of health, guided by the WHO Social Determinants of Health (SDoH) framework. Using a scoping review methodology, we reviewed literature from 2008 to 2018 on the SDoH of people without legal immigration status in Canada, selecting 33 articles for analysis. We found that structural determinants of health, such as stigmatization and criminalization, and intermediary determinants, such as fear of deportation and healthcare avoidance, produce ill health. We show how different social positions are produced by SDoH, finding immigration status to be the foundational determinant of health for people without status in Canada. We argue that lack of immigration status as a SDoH is missing from the WHO framework. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We examine how the politics of knowledge production limit research on the relationship between immigration status and social inequality. We centre the practices of methodological nationalism in Canada, a traditional country of permanent immigration in which temporary migration has become a core feature of the immigration system. In this case, state classification and counting of populations, and the careful curation of data on nominally permanent and temporary migrants limits research on immigration status. We also document the research design process and survey instrument we developed to work towards methodological autonomy from the state categorization of people on the move. The research design included community consultations, democratization of the research process, and a commitment to experiential knowledge. The resulting survey offers a parsimonious instrument to study complex and indeterminate precarious legal status trajectories and their relationship to social inequality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay examines a project entitled The Pheromone Trees and Coyote as a case study, to draw an analogy between concepts of territoriality—regarding fluid territories of highly adaptive wildlife species—and the fixed ‘territories’ of institutional management systems that deal with them. Coyotes, as a ‘varmint’ species in Canada, can be subject to violent control strategies, with little to no restrictions in place. Yet the case study, first proposed within the context of an academic research programme (situated on the opposite side of the planet and with entirely different ecological circumstances), became burdened with prerequisites—theatrically absurd certification processes and field performances, considering the open permissibility of local regulations. This paper will discuss how a remote federal ‘partnership’ framework of institutional governance can be seen to represent extended colonisation, where blanket restrictions on access to natural ‘resources’ (i.e. ‘fur-bearing’ animals) discount lived, hyperlocal realities of citizens and wildlife experts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The current political climate is characterized by an alarming pattern of global democratic regression driven by authoritarian populist leaders who deploy vast misinformation campaigns. These offensives are successful when the majority of the population lack skills that would allow them to think critically about information in the political sphere, to identify misinformation, and therefore to fully exercise democratic citizenship. Political science has theorized the link between information and power and information professionals understand the cognitive decision-making process involved in processing information, but these two literatures rarely intersect. This paper interrogates the links between information literacy (IL) and the rise of authoritarian populism in order to advance the development of a new transtheoretical model that links political science (which studies power), information science, and critical pedagogy to suggest new paths for teaching and research. We call for a collaborative research and teaching agenda, grounded in a holistic understanding of information as power, that will contribute to achieving a more informed citizenship and promoting a more inclusive democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using the notion of "flexible citizenship", this paper examines how Chinese international secondary school students accumulate and exchange different forms of capital as governed by their transnational social networks. This study draws on data from a 14-month ethnographic field study on the transnational lives of 11 Chinese students in a Canadian international secondary school. This study illustrates that the instrumental dimension of "flexible citizenship" produced both opportunities and tensions in student participants' lives when their new and existing social relations converged to mediate their transnational lives and trajectories. The force of multiple transnational actors to maximise opportunities exerted emotional pressures on students and caused relational tensions. In addition, when the participating students encountered challenges in broadening social connections in the host society, they solidified home social connections for emotional support and further academic and career development, although such practices constrained their effort in intercultural learning for embodied cultural capital. This paper advocates that beyond the governmental logic of instrumental "flexible citizenship", all social actors should gain more nuanced and comprehensive understanding of students' lives and their relational and emotional development. Additionally, Chinese students may be given more freedom in enacting their agency to engage with their transnational and intercultural lives in the ways they desire rather than those that are desired by external social forces. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2020, the Canadian-based humanitarian organisation WE was the subject of a funding scandal in Canada that cast a critical light on its finances and mandate. The scandal tarnished the reputations of the organisation and its founders, Craig and Marc Kielburger, who had been lauded as model global citizens for more than two decades. This paper uses the controversy as an example to distinguish between the increasingly disparaged trope of the white saviour and the continuing normalisation of saviourism as an orientation that naturalises philanthropic or charitable approaches to alleviating suffering as both just and effective. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Identity is an important aspect of group politics in Canada. This article examines the impact of gun owner's social identity on the political participation of gun owners and, thus, the success of the Canadian gun rights movement. It investigates whether Canadian gun owners are politically active, and if so, why? The article is based on an online survey of 16,880 Canadian gun owners. Cross‐tabulation, probit regression, and negative binomial regression were used to assess the impact of gun owner's social identity on political participation. Results indicate that gun owners are avid political participants and that this can be explained by the existence of a strong gun owner's social identity within a subset of Canadians. This has implications for our understanding of how social identities tied to serious leisure communities can impact politics. Related Articles: Cagle, M. Christine, and J. Michael Martinez. 2004. "Have Gun, Will Travel: The Dispute between the CDC and the NRA on Firearm Violence as a Public Health Problem." Politics &Policy 32 (2): 278‐310. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747‐1346.2004.tb00185.x Joslyn, Mark R., and Donald P. Haider‐Markel. 2018. "Motivated Innumeracy: Estimating the Size of the Gun Owner Population and its Consequences for Opposition to Gun Restrictions." Politics & Policy 46 (6): 827‐850. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12276 Smith‐Walter, Aaron, Holly L. Peterson, Michael D. Jones, and Ashley Nicole Reynolds Marshall. 2016. " Gun Stories: How Evidence Shapes Firearm Policy in the United States." Politics & Policy 44 (6): 1053‐1088. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12187 [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Canada, im/migrant sex workers face stigma, health access barriers, and overlapping marginalisation, with end-demand law reforms in 2014 postulated to exacerbate these inequities. Yet, little quantitative evidence on how immigration status shapes HIV/STI risk exists. Drawing on community-based longitudinal cohort data (AESHA, 2010–2018), we used multivariable confounder models with logistic regression to model (1) the independent effect of precarious immigration status (any status revocable under criminal charges: permanent residency/temporary residency/undocumented) on client condom refusal, and (2) the moderating effect of precarious status on the relationship between condom refusal and exposure to end-demand law reform (2015–2018). Over this 8-year study involving 758 sex workers in Metro Vancouver, 16.0% were im/migrants, of whom 57% had precarious immigration status at baseline. 16.5% of participants experienced client condom refusal. Precarious immigration was associated with increased odds of facing condom refusal (adjusted odds ratio [AOR] 2.53, 95% confidence interval [CI] 1.37–4.68), and these odds were heightened post-end-demand law reforms (AOR 4.35, 95%CI 1.21–15.66). Our findings suggest that lack of citizenship rights may enhance barriers to safer sex negotiation and increase HIV/STI risk among sex workers, highlighting the need for sex work and immigration policy reforms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Taking Canada as a widely envied and imitated example of liberal, "difference-blind" economic immigration, in this paper, I examine the permeability, constraints, and symbolic meaning of the different requirements of the naturalization process from the perspective of those who have undergone the process. Based on interviews with recently naturalized Canadians, my study reveals that the three steps of the application process – filing the application, studying the citizenship guide and sitting the test, attending the citizenship ceremony and swearing the citizenship oath – constitute mostly blurred boundaries for skilled and highly educated immigrants, with occasional bright boundaries related to management flaws, classed naturalization, and cultural biases. Specifically, immigrants endowed with valued forms of human capital are naturalizing fast and easily even if they are members of racial, ethnic or religious minorities. This underscores the strength of multiculturalism as national identity and ethos of societal integration. However, the attainment of citizenship in the multicultural nation does not come quasi-automatically as a right for everyone after years of lawful residency. Rather, it is granted as an earned privilege only to those who demonstrate the successful mastery of the skills and mindset of middle-class professionals. Since naturalization now operates along the same econocentric logic that governs immigrant selection through the points system, individuals admitted through non-economic streams, such as refugees and immigrants in the family class are increasingly struggling with the naturalization process. This raises questions about the implicit biases and new fault lines of seemingly difference-blind middle-class nation-building through immigration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For many scholars who worry about the future of liberal democracy, a central challenge has been to conceive civic and national identities that are robust enough to sustain collective action without defining the criteria of shared membership in ways that are too narrow, exclusive, or inaccessible. This essay addresses the familiar questions that lie at the heart of this challenge – who belongs? and on what terms? - but with a double twist: First, I reflect on the normative questions posed by political theorists about "belonging," but do so in dialogue with the empirical evidence generated by a cross-national opinion survey on national identity undertaken by the Pew Research Center. Second, I explore the Canadian case in greater detail, suggesting that sharing customs and traditions, anchored to and validated by the Charter of Rights, may be a surprising and under-utilized resource in establishing a more flexible account of belonging. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With the rise of Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) reporting, questions have emerged regarding its true utility; CSR reports may more closely resemble marketing materials than financial statements as much of the data companies provide can be cherry picked. For example in 2011, only 20% of S&P 500 companies published CSR reports vs 85% in 2017 and 90% in 2019. Why is this relevant for communicators? Because the responsibility of producing and promoting CSR reports very often falls under the responsibility of the corporate communications team. How to avoid "CSR-washing" and all the other "washing" incidents - green-washing, blue-washing, rainbow-washing, veganwashing,...? How to focus on portraying the organization as a truly and authentic dedicated corporate citizen? In-depth interviews with 15 senior communication practitioners in Canada helped identify what are "authentic" and "responsible" communications in the CSR space: using facts and testimonials, being transparent, showing authenticity as well as demonstrate the clear alignment with the organization's purpose. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Individuals living in poverty often visit their primary care physician for health problems resulting from unmet legal needs. Providing legal services for those in need may therefore improve health outcomes. Poverty is a social determinant of health. Impoverished areas tend to have poor health outcomes, with higher rates of mental illness, chronic disease, and comorbidity. This study reports on a medical-legal collaboration delivered in a healthcare setting between health professionals and lawyers as a novel way to approach the inaccessibility of legal services for those in need. Methods: In this observational study, patients aged 18 or older were either approached or referred to complete a screening tool to identify areas of concern. Patients deemed to have a legal problem were offered an appointment at the Legal Health Clinic, where lawyers provided legal advice, referrals, and services for patients of the physicians. Fisher's exact test was used to compare populations. Binary logistic regression was used to determine the factors predicting booking an appointment with the clinic. Results: Eighty-four percent (n = 648) of the 770 patients screened had unmet legal needs and could benefit from the intervention, with an average of 3.44 (SD = 3.42) legal needs per patient screened. Patients with legal needs had significantly higher odds of attending the Legal Health Clinic if they were an ethnicity that was not white (OR = 2.48; 95% CI 1.14–5.39), did not have Canadian citizenship (OR = 4.40; 95% CI 1.48–13.07), had housing insecurity (OR = 3.33; 95% CI 1.53–7.24), and had difficulty performing their usual activities (OR = 2.83; 95% CI 1.08–7.43). As a result of the clinic consultations, 58.0% (n = 40) were referred to either Legal Aid Ontario or Hamilton Community Legal Clinic, 21.74% (n = 15) were referred to a private lawyer; one case was taken on by the clinic lawyer. Conclusion: The Legal Health Clinic was found to fulfill unmet legal needs which were abundant in this urban family practice. This has important implications for the future health of patients and clinical practice. Utilizing a Legal Health Clinic could translate into improved health outcomes for patients by helping overcome barriers in accessing legal services and addressing social causes of adverse health outcomes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines how the right to sponsor family members' immigration is framed by migrant caregivers in relation to Canadian legislation and political rhetoric. We focus on official immigration policy and political rhetoric between 2014–2018, a period when Canada imposed stringent language and education requirements on migrant workers seeking permanent residence. By examining how political rhetoric frames migrant caregivers as not earning "enough" to migrate with their families, we illustrate how lawmakers promote tolerance for differential inclusion within multicultural discourse. Migrant caregivers, the majority of whom originate in the Philippines, similarly employ market-based values to position themselves as deserving the right to sponsor their family members' immigration. They also draw upon traditional ethics of reciprocal obligation, however, to frame their relationship to Canadian employers and the state in ways that reconstruct the terms of multicultural citizenship in Canada. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Blood donation policies governing men who have sex with men have shifted significantly over time in Canada—from an initial lifetime ban in the wake of the AIDS crisis to successive phases of time-based deferment requiring periods of sexual abstinence (5 years to 1 year to 3 months). We interviewed 39 HIV-negative gay, bisexual, queer, and other sexual minority men (GBM) in Vancouver, Toronto, and Montreal to understand their willingness to donate blood if eligible. Transcripts were coded following inductive thematic analysis. We found interrelated and competing expressions of biological and sexual citizenship. Most participants said they were "safe"/"low risk" and "willing" donors and would gain satisfaction and civic pride from donation. Conversely, a smaller group neither prioritized the collectivizing biological citizenship goals associated with expanding blood donation access nor saw this as part of sexual citizenship priorities. Considerable repair work is required by Canada's blood operators to build trust with diverse GBM communities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We investigate how refugee sponsors and sponsorship groups approach their responsibility to "create new Canadians." We set the stage by reflecting on the history of Canada as an immigrant-receiving, multicultural country, as well as on the role of acculturation attitudes of host community members in establishing the integration environment for newcomers in general. We use findings from nearly 60 interviews with sponsors in the Ottawa area to outline the different approaches that sponsors take. Approaches to sponsorship fall into three general orientations: paternalistic, passive paternalistic and mutualistic. These approaches manifest in the actions that sponsors take during the sponsorship process. In our discussion, we consider the implications of these approaches for the sponsor–refugee relationship, as well as the broader project of Canadian multiculturalism. We argue that mutualistic approaches best demonstrate welcoming acculturation orientations to newcomers, and that they are an important component of supporting privately sponsored refugees to become Canadians. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2013 the Canadian Parliament passed the First Nations Financial Transparency Act (FNFTA). Subject to immediate controversy, the law generated legal and political resistance from Indigenous leaders and scholars. The law requires First Nations governments to post audited consolidated financial statements and the salaries of chiefs and councillors online for public consumption. The article traces the use of transparency as a technology of government to examine how disclosure acts as an organizing mechanism of commensuration and moral scrutiny. The article then shows how transparency and disclosure was directed to rescale critique of the state away from the Canadian government, and toward First Nations governments. The article concludes by examining how bureaucrats envisioned how Indigenous peoples would use transparency and disclosure to reform their political conducts into that of a calculating taxpayer citizenship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As notions of human capital and personal autonomy have become integral to constructions of social membership, we have witnessed the incursion of market mechanisms into many areas of social life. Immigration policy has been no exception to this trend. By tracing policy developments in Canada and Germany, this article examines the extent to which human-capital citizenship has come to shape immigration policy across policy regimes. Examining economic and family immigrant admissions, the article tests two sets of propositions. First, that human-capital citizenship has come to transform economic immigration policies in ways that have stratified core rights – that is, residence and family unification rights – by skill level, rather than economic contribution. As a second proposition, the article contends that economic considerations are being increasingly applied to immigrants who arrive through non-economic streams. As the desirability of immigrants has come to correspond to their rank in the labour market hierarchy, the accompanying process of market invasion has led to an increasing blurring of longstanding normative and policy distinctions between economic and non-economic immigration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The contemporary contours of citizenship and socio-spatial relationships between Indigenous peoples and settlers in Québec, Canada, are changing. Indigenous youth contribute in important ways to those changes. While some youth have become involved in formal sites of politics, others work in diverse settings weaving together a fragile network of sites and spaces that collectively challenge deeply engrained colonial relationships and division of space. The Wapikoni mobile is an Indigenous video training project that addresses the First Nations communities. Through this project, certain young people are taught to produce and direct films and some are invited to present their creations in public events. The analysis presented in this article investigated the places, practices and relationships around the mobility, speech acts and narratives of the Wapikoni mobile's participants who travelled to present their film(s) in different settings in Canada and overseas. In these locations, First Nations' youth challenge the colonial division of space and negotiate new relationships while (re)claiming their identity and engaging in citizenship formation processes. This article argues that these important processes are nevertheless entangled in broader colonial and neoliberal contexts that hinder their full transformative potential. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article recounts the story of sanctuary city organizing in Ottawa, Canada to explore the politics and potential of a transformative approach to sanctuary rooted in anti-prison activism and abolitionist feminist thought. More specifically, we have adapted the abolitionist framework of reformist reform and non-reformist reform and applied it to sanctuary city organizing. Analysis of the Ottawa case draws on research with frontline service providers and migrant justice organizers, as well as our own organizing experiences, observations, and adaptive practices as sanctuary city campaigners. The paper also elaborates on the forms of solidarity and citizenship that have emerged or have the potential to emerge in the context of a non-state centric vision of sanctuary that prioritizes grassroots transformative practices over municipal policy and that do not bolster or legitimize the state's capacity to deport, punish, and exclude. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A key component of the Conservative Party of Canada's (CPC) electoral strategy in 2011, 2015 and 2019 was to court the country's "ethnic vote". Under the leadership of Stephen Harper and Andrew Scheer, the CPC launched an aggressive outreach strategy aimed at attracting conservative ethnic populations while at the same time, continuing to appeal to the party's "old stock" base – referred to as the "populist paradox". This approach was particularly prominent in the Party's immigration and citizenship policy platform. While the CPC continuously rolled out reforms further restricting access to incoming immigrants and refugees, they framed these initiatives as a way to keep disingenuous immigrants out in order to protect the integrity of the Canadian immigration system, a system used appropriately by those immigrants from whom they were seeking support. Using Sara Ahmed's work on affect and happiness, this paper examines the CPC's construction of "good" and "bad" immigrants, specifically how these constructions are taken up in broader narratives of Canadian citizenship and belonging. In doing so, I address how the CPC uses this rhetoric to appeal to voters, both immigrant and non-immigrant alike. Un élément clé de la stratégie électorale du Parti conservateur du Canada (PCC) en 2011, 2015 et 2019 était de convoiter le ''vote ethnique'' dans le pays. Sous la direction de Stephen Harper et Andrew Scheer, le PCC a lancé une stratégie de sensibilisation agressive visant à attirer des populations ethniques conservatrices tout en continuant de faire appel à la base du ''vieux stock'' du parti – appelée ''paradoxe populiste''. Cette approche était particulièrement importante dans la plate-forme de la politique d'immigration et de citoyenneté du Parti. Bien que le PCC ait continuellement déployé des réformes restreignant davantage l'entrée aux immigrants et aux réfugiés, il a présenté ces initiatives comme un moyen de garder les immigrants de moralité douteuse à l'écart afin de protéger l'intégrité du système d'immigration canadien, un système utilisé de manière appropriée par ces mêmes immigrants auprès de qui ils cherchaient du soutien. Utilisant les travaux de Sara Ahmed sur l'insouciance et le bonheur, cet article examine la construction par le PCC des notions de ''bons'' et ''mauvais'' immigrants, en particulier comment ces constructions sont reprises de façon plus large dans des récits de la citoyenneté et de l'appartenance canadiennes. En somme, j'explique comment le PCC utilise cette rhétorique pour séduire les électeurs, immigrants et non-immigrants. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article addresses the uneasy tensions and overlaps between race, sexuality, and citizenship, by focusing on the moments when queer diasporic people of colour slip "in" and "out" of Pride Toronto-the organization that hosts the annual Toronto lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and queer Pride Parade. Drawing on Pride Toronto's thirtieth anniversary promotional material, released in 2010, and the organization's 2002 five-year strategic direction plan, the author applies a queer feminist diaspora reading practice to problematize how the documents, taken together, presents Pride's queer history in Canada, which continues to be narrated by the organization in ways that de-racialize queer subjects and invoke white gays and lesbians as central to its story. Pelau MasQUEERade, a Caribbean queer diasporic group that participates in the Pride Parade, reveals how the histories of queer diasporic people of colour are strategically appropriated and belatedly visible only in sporadic moments in the documents. Pelau MasQUEERade's presence works to disturb normative accounts of Pride, while simultaneously opening the door to overlapping histories of queer diasporic people in the event. The group reworks Pride Toronto's de-racialized narrative of sexuality by gesturing to the ways in which race, sexuality, and notions of citizenship operate in multiple and contradictory ways. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A so-called birth tourist travels to a country with birthright citizenship to give birth so that her child will be a citizen of that country. In Canada, hostility towards birth tourism has simmered since 2012. Situating this hostility within a history of Sinophobia, I analyze birth tourism websites, arguing that those who can access Canadian citizenship via birth tourism already possess network capital, a position that is not enabled but enhanced by their child's citizenship. I argue that public concern about birth-tourism in Canada turns on the willfulness of birth tourists as strangers who impose themselves upon the state. Birth tourists combine their reproductive capacity and their capacity for mobility to subvert the sovereignty of the Canadian state: their reproduction is inherently nationalized and produces citizens who have not been vetted by the Canadian state. In this way, birth tourists invoke mobility to access citizenship without commitments and without state sanction, creating strangers within the state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the tensions racialized migrants negotiate when politically organizing and enacting citizenship within the context of the Canadian white settler state. I focus on the experiences of Latin Americans in Toronto and the politics surrounding a cultural celebration – Hispanic Heritage Month. While some Latin Americans sought to use this event to gain recognition and assert their belonging to Canadian society, others opposed its naming, objectives and organization, and opted to create an alternative celebration – the Latin-America History Collective's Día de la Verdad/Day of Truth Rally. I demonstrate that the narratives and practices mobilized around Hispanic Heritage Month and Latin-America History Collective's Rally reveal how different forms of migrant political organizing can internalize, reproduce and contest white settler colonial social relations. Overall, this paper aims to contribute to and complicate debates on the fraught nature of racialized migrants' citizenship, politics and identity formation in Canada, by emphasizing the vast heterogeneity of Latin American communities and decolonizing possibilities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Beginning in 1942, almost 22,000 Japanese Canadians were removed from their homes on the West Coast of British Columbia. While some citizens privately understood their situation as akin to other histories of displacement, they never discussed their situation publicly using the language of refugeehood or exile. By contrast, the Cooperative Committee on Japanese Canadians, which protested the federal government's deportation of Japanese Canadians in 1946, cloaked the wartime experience of Japanese Canadians using these very terms. To understand these variations in approaches, this article focuses on the question of what is signified when the term refugee is used in public debates about citizenship and state responsibilities. It begins by framing the stakes of this question by highlighting the debate over the term refugee in the aftermath of Hurricane Katrina in 2005. It then explores the experiences of journalist Muriel Kitagawa and her family as they sought refuge in Toronto and the activism of religious leaders who advocated on behalf of Japanese Canadian internees (with reference to a parallel history in the United States). The article concludes by considering the ways in which histories of internment have been memorialized in relation to other accounts of mass displacement. In doing so, the article advances the concept of "refugee distancing" as a way of understanding the reaction of citizens to the idea that they might become refugees. In the context of the Second World War, supporters' use of the term refugee was a calculated political strategy meant to evoke the promises of citizenship, but it was also one that inadvertently highlighted the vulnerabilities at the core of racialized citizenship experiences, to the detriment of the very citizens the language was meant to assist. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article explores how state practice is diminishing the legal definition of statelessness and closing off legal prospects for acquiring citizenship in Canada. It mentions states have perceived statelessness as a legal issue but refugees as a humanitarian issue. It mentions 1954 Convention provides the legal means to identify who is stateless and what kinds of graduated or associated civil, social, and economic rights stateless persons may receive from a state other than citizenship.

This article examines the intersections of the child protection, immigration and criminal systems, and the carceral logics that undergird all three systems. Taking seriously Patricia Hill Collins' (2017) call to analyze "intensified points of convergence" (p. 1464), we analyze the role of social work in perpetuating carceral systems and the tools that feminist social work provides for disrupting them. Using a case analysis of a foster child in Halifax, Canada, who in 2018 was faced with deportation after social workers failed to secure his citizenship status, we argue that a pipeline exists between child protection and a growing "crimmigration" system. The carceral logics of this pipeline not only draw from anti-Black, Islamophobic, and settler colonial histories of oppression, but they also position certain noncitizen families as unassimilable and requiring of state intervention rather than social supports. With this carceral pipeline in mind, we then draw from feminist anticarceral and intersectional approaches to consider a range of resistance strategies. Ultimately, we argue for a transformative justice approach that goes beyond reforming the pipeline and instead takes seriously the insights of abolitionist movements as an alternative to purely reformist approaches. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background and aims: The past decade has seen important advances in research on creativity, which have provided a more inclusive view of the everyday and ordinary creativity of 'normal' citizens, including those living with dementia. However, these developments are limited by a lack of engagement with theoretical and empirical scholarship on embodiment, relationality and citizenship. This article addresses these limitations by introducing and explicating a relational model of citizenship that offers a critical rethinking of creativity and the imperative that this be supported in long-term dementia care. Methods: The article draws on transcribed video-recorded interactions between elder-clowns and residents living with dementia in one long-term care home in central Canada. These are analysed with reference to key theoretical tenets of the relational model of citizenship. Results: Embodied selfhood, specifically the primordial and sociocultural dispositions of the body that are fundamental sources of self-expression and relationality, are identified as key to the creativity of persons living with dementia. Further, it is demonstrated that creativity is not an individual cognitive trait but rather emerges from the complex intersection of enabling environments and the embodied intentionality of all involved. Conclusion: The analysis offered here not only adds a new dimension to the understanding of creativity, but in a more profound sense sets an important ethical standard for cultivating relational environments to support creativity in everyday life. Implications for practice: The implication of this analysis is that creativity must be supported in the context of everyday life through organisational practices and sociopolitical institutions, including opportunities for practice development and broader structural changes that more fully support the relational, interpersonal and affective dimensions of care. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It has been argued that sport is a way for youth to develop psychosocial skills that lead to holistic development. However, participation itself in sport does not lead to this growth; mechanisms for growth must be intentional, often conducted by coaches. Thus, the purpose of this descriptive study was to understand the integration of positive youth development concepts of citizenship into youth sport organizations. One hundred five coaches from the United States and Canada completed an online survey created by the researchers and comprising preexisting measures and newly devised questions. The coaches most heavily emphasized a mastery climate focusing on effort and having fun and emphasized winning the least. Additionally, coaches perceived their youth athletes to learn respect for others, teamwork, and respect for self at the highest rates through participation in their program. Regarding specific techniques for developing citizenship, participants provided many concrete examples in open responses: creating leadership development opportunities for girls in their organization, having league homework programs, and running food drives. Research has identified time as a major barrier to the implementation of opportunities for the explicit transfer of citizenship skills, and the participants provided several methods of growth that are not time intensive. The practical implications and limitations of the results are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Evidence suggests that mainstream media coverage of mental illness tends to focus on factors such as crime and violence. Thus, mental health advocates have argued that alternative portrayals are necessary to reduce stigma. Aim: The aim of this paper is to compare the tone and content of mainstream TV coverage of mental illness with educational videos produced by citizen journalists with mental illness. Methods: We trained three groups of people with mental illness in citizen journalism and participatory video. These groups then produced a series of educational videos about mental illness (n = 26). Simultaneously, we systematically collected TV clips about mental illness from a major Canadian TV station (n = 26). We then compared the tone and content of citizen journalism videos vs. TV clips using content analysis techniques. Results: The citizen journalist videos tended to be more positive and hopeful. For example, over 60% of the citizen journalism videos focused on recovery, compared to 27% of the TV clips. Conversely, over 40% of the TV clips focused on crime, violence or legal issues, in comparison to only 23% of the citizen journalism videos. Conclusion: Citizen journalism by people with mental illness has the potential to educate the public and reduce stigma. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Positive ageing discourses have proliferated in Western nations, forming key aspects of structured mandates for how to think about, and act towards, ageing bodies. As interpretive resources, positive ageing discourses shape how adults growing older think about themselves, their bodies and the bodies of others in relation to the process of ageing and the imperative to 'age well'. Informed by governmentality, this paper considers how positive ageing discourses function as technologies of government to inform and direct conduct. Drawing on in-depth narrative data, this analysis traces how ageing citizens take up and negotiate positive ageing discourses in their everyday lives, drawing attention to the intensive work, inexorable focus on the body and numerous resources that the enactment of positive ageing requires. Specifically, this analysis illuminates the interplay between the lived experiences of ageing and the socio-culturally structured mandates that shape how ageing and ageing bodies are conceptualised and approached, and draws attention to the moments of tension that arise out of such interplay. We suggest that these moments of tension highlight how the bodywork practices that older adults rigorously and continuously engage in are not so much directed towards the pursuit of ageless ageing, but rather are a response to the inescapable threat of dependency, decline and loss of agency, and thus operate to affirm ageist underpinnings of positive ageing discourses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The idea of consummation as definitive of a marriage seems antiquated today. Yet, consummation operates as a central criterion in determinations of a 'genuine marriage' in Canadian immigration law. Drawing on the marriage and migration literature, theorizations of sexual citizenship, and critical multiculturalism, we explore recent judicial considerations of consummation in Canadian family sponsorship adjudications. We searched the CanLII database (a Canadian database of legislation and judicial records) for the keywords 'non-consummation' and 'genuine marriage' and identified 68 cases. Of these cases, three primary themes emerged: the use of consummation as a 'technology of love' – a requirement for assessing the authenticity of the spousal relationship and hence the worthiness of sponsorship; the discursive construction of sexual and gendered norms in expectations around marital intimacy, and the articulation of liberal tolerance and the cultural other in the assessments of genuine marriages among primarily racialized Canadians or permanent residents and their foreign spouses. We challenge these discursive narratives and conclude by arguing that instead of consummation as the basis for genuine marriage, the Law Commission of Canada's 'close personal relationship' model is a better way to assess the 'genuineness' of relationships for determining Canadian citizenship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

If sport scholars are going to contribute to a critical (inter)national dialogue that challenges "official versions" of a post-9/11 geo-political reality, there is a need to continue to move beyond the borders of the US, and examine how nationalistic sporting spectacles work to promote local military initiatives that are aligned with the imperatives of neoliberal empire. In this article we provide a critical reading of the Canadian Broadcasting Corporation's nationally-televised broadcast of a National Hockey League game, colloquially known as Tickets for Troops. We reveal how interest groups emphasized three interrelated narratives that worked to: 1) personalize the Canadian Forces and understandings of neoliberal citizenship, 2) articulate warfare/military training with men's ice hockey in relation to various promotional mandates, and 3) optimistically promote the war in Afghanistan and the Conservative Party of Canada via storied national traditions and mythologies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay is a review of the thematic and curatorial choices in the Canadian History Hall within the context of the historical and political debates surrounding the announcement of the museum's renovations. Additionally, the review considers the change in the museum's name and mission to situate it as a place of Indigenous history, national identity and an exploration of ways of engaging with people and relating to visitors of different generations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1992, the Canadian Psychiatric Association launched Canada's first national campaign against mental illness, Mental Illness Awareness Week (MIAW). I stress that pharmaceutical sponsorship of the first five years of MIAW (1992-1997) was integral to shaping the trajectory of the campaign and marks a shift in the way stigma is conceived and resisted in Canada: what was an interpersonal process based on social norms becomes refigured as "self-stigma," or an individualized process in which lack of information, education, and self-assessment contribute to an inability to consider oneself as at-risk for a disease, condition, or disorder. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Citizenship revocation has returned to the political agenda. In recent years, many Western democracies have either legislated or considered legislating citizenship revocation for terrorism offences. This paper analyses how Canada's short-lived experiment with citizenship revocation was represented in political, media and online discourses. Specifically, it identifies who has been interpreted a presumed candidate(s) of citizenship revocation, and analyses the discursive strategies employed to associate these targets with specific ethnic, national, or religious groups. We find that references to Muslims dominated public discourses on citizenship revocation. The articulation of these references reveals that Muslims were targeted not as individuals but as a category, indirectly branding them as less Canadian, and thereby symbolically un-belonging them from Canadian citizenship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the current era of citizenship politics, both legal citizenship and cultural citizenship have become highly contested social categories and new bases for social discrimination. Psychological studies of migration thus need to consider more explicitly how shifting sociopolitical contexts shape migrant life opportunities and how migrants respond to their shifting circumstances. Cultural psychologists have much to contribute to this project given their focus on the ways cultural experiences are shaped at once by broader social determinants and the intentional acts of social agents who navigate diversely organized worlds. However, we argue that cultural psychologists need to integrate critical concepts into cultural psychological studies of migration to avoid both overlooking important determinants of migrant lives and inadvertently perpetuating social inequalities and discriminatory policies. Drawing upon qualitative research conducted with Polish "irregular" migrants in Canada and Sikh Americans, we show how critical concepts such as "illegalization," "deportability," and "cultural citizenship" can help expand cultural psychological inquiry to better understand contemporary immigrant experiences. We conclude with discipline-specific recommendations for building a cultural psychology fit for the study of migration in the 21st-century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When Canada was created it debated if it was best to seek political solidarity by creating a single political identity or was it wiser to build a citizenship that made space for all communities. This article argues there was no attempt to unite Canadians around a single national loyalty but only to join an array of diverse communities whose members might adopt a shared citizenship. Since 1867, Canada has adopted different approaches to creating citizenship to maintain political solidarity. Diversity has been an integral part of that narrative. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]