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Food insecurity is an urgent public health problem in Canada, affecting 4 million Canadians in 2012, including 1.15 million children, and associated with significant health concerns. With little political will to address this significant policy issue, it has been suggested that perhaps it is time for Canada to try a food stamp-style program. Such a program could reduce rates of food insecurity and improve the nutritional health of low-income Canadians. In this article, we explore the history of the US food stamp program; the key impetus of which was to support farmers and agricultural interests, not to look after the needs of people living in poverty. Though the US program has moved away from its roots, its history has had a lasting legacy, cementing an understanding of the problem as one of lack of food, not lack of income. While the contemporary food stamp program, now called Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP), reduces rates of poverty and food insecurity, food insecurity rates in the USA are significantly higher than those in Canada, suggesting a food stamp-style program per se will not eliminate the problem of food insecurity. Moreover, a food stamp-style program is inherently paternalistic and would create harm by reducing the autonomy of participants and generating stigma, which in itself has adverse health effects. Consequently, it is ethically problematic for health promoters to advocate for such a program, even if it could improve diet quality., (© The Author 2014. Published by Oxford University Press. All rights reserved. For Permissions, please email: journals.permissions@oup.com.)

Household food insecurity (HFI) is a persistent public health problem affecting 3.8 million Canadians. While the causes of HFI are rooted in income insecurity, solutions to HFI have been primarily food-based, with the bulk of activity occurring at the municipal level across Canada. We conceptualize these municipal-level actions as falling within three models: "charitable", "household improvements and supports" and "community food systems". Many initiatives, especially non-charitable ones, generate widespread support, as they aim to increase participants' food security using an empowering and dignified approach. While these initiatives may offer some benefits to their participants, preliminary research suggests that any food-based solution to an income-based problem will have limited reach to food-insecure households and limited impact on participants' experience of HFI. We suspect that widespread support for the local-level food-based approach to HFI has impeded critical judgement of the true potential of these activities to reduce HFI. As these initiatives grow in number across Canada, we are in urgent need of comprehensive and comparative research to evaluate their impact on HFI and to ensure that municipal-level action on HFI is evidence-based.

Canada is the only country in the world to offer universal comprehensive public health insurance that excludes outpatient prescription medicines. Few scholars have attempted to explain this policy puzzle. We study media coverage of prescription drug financing from 1990 to 2010 to elucidate how the policy problem and potential solutions have been framed in media discourse and identify the actors that have dominated media texts. We confirm previous analyses that have revealed the significant role played by policy elites in media coverage of health reform debates. We also find that proposed expansions to public coverage are presented as a financial liability that could "crowd out" the existing (and popular) public insurance program. Within the context of a predominantly public funded system, framing of incremental expansion reorients away from values and toward discourse related to costs--both of the current system and of potential reforms. This may reflect a strategic narrative used by actors to maintain "silos of values" for coverage for prescription medicines versus those for other services. This has significant implications for the motivation for reform among the electorate and politicians alike, and for the extent to which policy developments, if they occurred, would legitimately reflect societal values for health financing.

Objectives: Canada is an increasingly urban nation, with considerable health inequities (HI) within its urban centres. While Canadian municipalities have a range of policy and planning levers that could reduce the burden of HI, little is known about how municipal employees perceive the capacities of municipal governments to address HI within their jurisdictions. This study sought to capture these perceptions through a survey of politicians and senior-level staff working in Metro Vancouver municipalities., Methods: The survey was administered by mail to 637 politicians and senior-level staff from 17 municipal governments in Metro Vancouver. The survey captured respondents' perceptions on the responsibilities of, opportunities for, and constraints on, municipal-level action to address HI, as well as respondents' input on existing municipal policies and programs that could reduce HI in their jurisdictions., Results: Respondents perceived senior governments to bear greater responsibility for reducing HI than municipalities. Investing in "parks & recreation facilities" was considered the most promising policy lever for addressing HI, while "insufficient federal and provincial funding" was perceived to be the greatest constraint on municipal action. "Affordable housing" and "recreational programs" were the most commonly identified existing strategies to address HI in the municipalities sampled., Conclusions: Our findings revealed concerns about inter-governmental downloading of responsibilities, and behaviour-based assumptions of disease etiology. To advance an urban health equity agenda, more work is needed to engage and educate municipal actors from a range of departments on the social determinants of health inequities.

November 2006 marked the 20-year anniversary of the Ottawa Charter for Health Promotion and Canada's Epp Report. Encapsulating the tenets of health promotion (HP), these publications articulated a vision for reducing health inequities, and described a policy framework for achieving this vision, respectively. These documents also triggered the launch of the population health (PH) field, focused on elucidating the empirical relationships between socioeconomic gradients and population health inequities. Over two decades, a rich HP/PH theoretical and evidentiary base on socioeconomic gradients in health has established. Yet, despite valuable contributions from Canadian researchers, insufficient headway has been made in this country to achieve the Charter's vision. There are numerous challenges to reducing population health inequities in Canada. Informational challenges include complexity of HP/PH evidence, and inadequate knowledge translation beyond traditional targets. Institutional challenges include the relative immunity of the healthcare sector to funding reductions, and the organization of policy responsibilities into silos. Concerns from non-healthcare sectors of 'health imperialism', and inter-governmental tensions are interest-related challenges, while ideological challenges include lack of media discourse on health inequities and a strong neo-liberal political climate. Gains have been made in Canada towards reducing health inequities. The HP/PH discourses are firmly entrenched in academic and policy spheres across the country, while several inter-sectoral policy initiatives are currently underway. HP/PH researchers could be more proactive in the knowledge-translation sphere by engaging other researchers outside of medicine and health, non-healthcare policy-makers, and the general public, vis-à-vis the media, on the health inequities knowledge base. Ultimately, significant and sustained progress will only be made if researchers and other champions recognize the inherently political aspect of their work and understand how to overcome ideologically driven resistance.

News media effects on their audiences are complex. Four commonly cited effects are: informing audiences; agenda-setting; framing; and persuading. The release in autumn 2002 of two reports on options for reforming Canada's healthcare system attracted widespread media attention. We explored the potential for each of the four media effects by examining Canadian newspaper representation of this healthcare policy debate. Clippings were gathered from regional and national newspapers. Two data collection methodologies were employed: the first involved two staggered "constructed weeks" designed to capture thematic news framing styles; the second collected "intensive" or episodic coverage immediately following the report releases. Health reform articles with a financing and/or delivery focus were included. Using a codebook, articles were coded to track article characteristics, tone, healthcare sector and reform themes, and key actors. A greater quantity of episodic (n=341 clippings) versus thematic coverage (n=77) was documented. Coverage type did not vary significantly by newspaper, reporting source (e.g., staff reporter versus staff editorialist) or article type (e.g., news versus letter). Thematic articles were significantly shorter in length compared to episodic clippings. Episodic coverage tended to have a positive tone, while thematic coverage ranged in tone. Most coverage was general in scope. Sector-specific coverage favoured physician and hospital care--the two providers accorded privileged financing arrangements under Canada's universal, provincially administered health-insurance plans. Coverage of healthcare financing arrangements favoured broad discussions of publicly financed healthcare, federal-provincial governmental relations, and the Canada Health Act that governs provincial plans. Governmental actors and the political institutions that they represent were the dominant actors. Professional associations were also visible, but played a less dominant role. Given its non-specific scope, it is unclear how informative this coverage was. The large quantity and short duration of the episodic coverage, and the preponderance of governmental actors, suggests these newspapers acted as conduits for the policy agenda. Differences in framing styles were observed by coverage type, newspaper, reporting source, article length and type of article. Finally, the dominance of governmental actors provided these actors with numerous opportunities to persuade the public.