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Copyright of Industrial Relations / Relations Industrielles is the property of Universite Laval, Department of Industrial Relations and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Contemporary discourses of diversity and multiculturalism are contentious spaces in Western democracies. Symbolically, they have come to serve as a forum for governments to articulate their larger nation-building, citizenship and political agendas. In this sense, multiculturalism, whatever else it is, is a model of political belonging: a form of political symbolism directed at minorities and majorities to establish the conditions of belonging to the political community. This article examines the model(s) of belonging to political community in the Harper Conservative (2004–2015) and Trudeau Liberal (2015–2019) governments, presenting textual data derived from a broad discourse analysis. It illustrates that both use multiculturalism as a form of minority and majority acknowledgment that highlights the terms of belonging to the Canadian multicultural political community. Further, it reveals a difference in rhetorical strategy. while Conservative multiculturalism prioritizes a practice of specific minority acknowledgment that casts integration to the existing national identity as the responsibility of ethno-cultural communities, Liberal multiculturalism prioritizes the general acknowledgment of difference in order to broaden the national identity, and turn it outward to global relevance. Importantly, this illustrates the surprising variability and tenacity of multicultural symbolism in Canada. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An editorial is presented discussing the timeliness and importance of exploring misinformation in Canada in this post-truth age. It outlines that Canada is plagued by the spread of misinformation and online hate, with social and political risks resulting from weaponization by different groups and politicians. The article highlights the need for more research in this area, which has been under-researched in Canada compared to the United States and European Union contexts.

Copyright of Canadian Journal of Native Studies is the property of Brandon University, CJNS, Faculty of Arts and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Canadian Journal of Higher Education is the property of Canadian Society for the Study of Higher Education and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Owing to their focus solely on media content, most empirical studies on mediatization of politics fail to consider the dynamic relationship between politics and journalism, even though this relationship would provide ideal data for assessing the mediatization hypothesis. This study aims to measure the mediatization of politics using a research design that tracks parallel trends in political and media content over several decades, with televised Canadian leaders' debates and their coverage by newspapers as a case study. Our specific hypotheses target the discursive style of journalists (factual, analytical, judgmental), agenda building (the range of areas of activity), and framing (strategic or governing). Our findings support the hypothesis which states that reports on leaders' debates have become less factual as journalists have increased the share of analytical and judgmental styles in their stories. Also, use of the strategic frame in news stories has grown, and it has been incorporated by party leaders into their own discourse during debates. Evidence is mixed regarding the impact of mediatization on agenda building. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Policy & Complex Systems is the property of Policy Studies Organization and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Policy entrepreneurship is often used to explain agenda setting through reference to the behavior of individual 'change agents.' But there are still gaps in our understanding of what motivates entrepreneurs. Rational choice theory emphasizes the importance of material and nonmaterial incentives; however, it remains unclear what role institutions play. This article aims to empirically examine the relationship between incentives and institutional encouragement of innovation. Using a case study of the federal government of Canada, I find evidence that incentives matter. Government agencies with many incentives are more likely to encourage innovation than agencies with few incentives. These results underscore the importance of institutions in determining the motivations of policy entrepreneurs, and suggest future research should focus on the interplay among individual, political, and institutional factors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of International Journal of Canadian Studies is the property of University of Toronto Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Spain and Canada were pursuing divergent political agendas before the 2007- 09 global economic crisis and subsequent recession: Canada's conservative government, elected in 2006, had begun reducing the size of government by slashing revenues, while Spain's social democratic government (2004-11) aimed to increase social inclusion and gender equality. Using women's shares of market (labor and capital) incomes and after-tax incomes as equality indicators, this study analyzes the probable gender impact of each country's policies during the global economic crisis. The authors find that, although both countries were signatories to the United Nations Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (1979; CEDAW) and the Beijing Platform for Action (1995), neither lived up to these commitments to undertake gender- based analyses when developing crisis interventions; but if Spain's policies had been maintained, they would have had less damaging effects on women in the long term than those implemented in Canada. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the history of the Pacific Northern Railway (PNR) project that intended to connect British Columbia (BC) to the Yukon and Alaska under the government of BC Premier W.A.C. Bennett. The author discusses the agenda-setting and political vision of the Bennett government, analyzes the outdated metropolitan-hinterland ideology of railroad building, and explores the concept of constructing the PNR as a monorail system. He argues that the failure of the PNR was due to several defects, including lack of fiance, lack of economic feasibility, and unfavorable geographical conditions.

Most studies of the relationship between deputy ministers (DMs) and ministers have focused on majority governments. This paper analyses the impact of minority government on that relationship in four areas (personnel in key positions, the role of central agencies, agendas and daily relationships) on the basis of an analysis of the history of DM appointments and departures under minority governments in Canada and interviews with current DMs. It is found that, under minority governments, relationships of trust are more difficult to develop, there is a stronger tendency to develop public policy on an urgent basis and with a view to short-term issues, greater importance is attached to public opinion, and control is more centralised. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article discusses the relevance of the human security agenda and of its impact on Canada's foreign and security policy. The authors argue against the idea the the human security agenda is of the past regarding what made the agenda possible and how the alleged new diplomacy that accompanied it reflected politico-economic changes within Canada. A genealogical investigation of the freedom-from-fear doctrine, which emerged from a human security concept by Canada's Department of Foreign Affairs and International Trade (DFAIT) in the late 1990s is made. Why DFAIT chose to narrow its human security agenda on freedom-from-fear and the underlying rationale of this agenda are examined.

We address the behavior of separatist parties participating in state legislatures in well-established democracies, taking the Bloc Quebecois (BQ) as a case. Analysis of oral questions asked in the Canadian House of Commons reveals a broad set of issues addressed by the BQ; its aggregate priorities comprising many issues of federal concern. It is shown that the BQ's attention to issues of separation in Question Period mainly follows, rather than leads, public support in Quebec for sovereignty. The party appears on the whole limited in its ability to mobilize public support for sovereignty and to pursue its separatist agenda more rigorously. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Decision making in Health sector is affected by a several elements such as economic constraints, political agendas, epidemiologic events, managers’ values and environment ... These competing elements create a complex environment for decision making. Research-Based-Decision-Making (RBDM) offers an opportunity to reduce the generated uncertainty and to ensure efficacy and efficiency in health administrations. We assume that RBDM is dependant on decision makers’ behaviour and the identification of the determinants of this behaviour can help to enhance research results utilization in health sector decision making. This paper explores the determinants of RBDM as a personal behaviour among managers and professionals in health administrations in Canada. From the behavioural theories and the existing literature, we build a model measuring “RBDM” as an index based on five items. These items refer to the steps accomplished by a decision maker while developing a decision which is based on evidence. The determinants of RBDM behaviour are identified using data collected from 942 health care decision makers in Canadian health organizations. Linear regression is used to model the behaviour RBDM. Determinants of this behaviour are derived from Triandis Theory and Bandura's construct “self-efficacy.” The results suggest that to improve research use among managers in Canadian governmental health organizations, strategies should focus on enhancing exposition to evidence through facilitating communication networks, partnerships and links between researchers and decision makers, with the key long-term objective of developing a culture that supports and values the contribution that research can make to decision making in governmental health organizations. Nevertheless, depending on the organizational level, determinants of RBDM are different. This difference has to be taken into account if RBDM adoption is desired. Decision makers in Canadian health organizations (CHO) can help to build networks, develop partnerships between professionals locally, regionally and nationally, and also act as change agents in the dissemination and adoption of knowledge and innovations in health services. However, the research focused on knowledge use as a support to decision-making, further research is needed to identify and evaluate effective incentives and strategies to implement so as to enhance RBDM adoption among health decision makers and more theoretical development are to complete in this perspective. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on politics in Canada in 2005. It talks about the decline and fall of the Liberal Party (LP) minority government under Paul Martin due to political scandals and the inability of the government to define a clear set of programs and priorities. It states that the LP passed a budget with help from the New Democratic Party (NDP) after conceding 4.5 billion Canadian dollars worth in social spending and taxes. It comments on the controversy that a bill allowing same-sex marriage caused and that the bill passed only with active support from the Bloc québécois (BQ) and NDP. It mentions several votes of no confidence against the Liberal government, with the no confidence vote succeeding on November 28 when the NDP joined BQ and Conservatives.

The article focuses on the ways that children and children's issues such as child care are formally presented in the Canadian pre-election political landscape as of 2015. Topics include the publicly funded child care put on the national political agenda in October 2014 by the New Democratic Party of Canada (NDP), the commitment of the Green Party of Canada to federally funded child care, and federally funded child care never being a part of the action plan of the Conservative Party of Canada.

At most CPA conferences at least one topic on the agenda deals with women in politics. This article considers some strategies needed to get more women elected but says women must go beyond the idea of a separate women's agenda. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The CWP, as part of the larger Commonwealth Parliamentary Association, works for better representation for women in legislatures throughout Canada and the Commonwealth. In July the 2012 Conference of the CWP was held in Quebec City. This article looks at the agenda of the Conference and future projects for the CWP (Canada). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]