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This paper provides a theoretical and empirical intervention into housing research by applying the geospatial lens of the rural-urban space (RUS) to the social problem of homelessness, a conceptual linkage absent in the Canadian context. Drawing on original data from 80 surveys, four focus groups, and a community feedback session, we identify and interrogate key local impacts of systemic shifts in the housing market and associated policy responses in Dufferin County, Ontario, a RUS community located 80km northwest of Toronto. We find that for people experiencing homelessness within RUS communities, the intersecting consequences of multiple forms of structural marginalization, such as low wages and social assistance rates and discrimination, can quickly destabilize housing. We emphasize the importance of attending to housing in RUS communities and developing housing policy strategies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Emerging in Toronto in the late 1960s, the Edmund Burke Society (ebs) became a leading far-right outlet. From picketing Model United Nations meetings and gatherings of left-wing groups to staging pro-Vietnam War protests and engaging in racially motivated vandalism, the ebs became a bellweather of what journalists and social scientists identified as a "virtual explosion" of Canadian right-wing extremism. The far right has a long history in Canada, and, in this regard, ebs members' views reflected long-standing strains of extreme nationalism, racism, anti-statism, and anti-communism. However, the ebs and its successor organizations were very much concerned with issues that were current in late twentieth-century Canada: the expanding welfare state; changes in Canadian immigration policy; multiculturalism and a more civic-based nationalism; and the entrenchment of the rights revolution. Furthermore, the group was also a response to 1960s counterculture, a counter-counterculture in that it offered a radical challenge from the right, not only to the status quo but also to the New Left. While much of the history of Canada in the 1960s is focused on the left, the emergence of the ebs highlights the growth of activism at the other end of the political spectrum. Providing an important look at Canadian far-right extremism, this examination of the ebs serves as a reminder that the 1960s were not all Trudeaumania and flower power and that societal changes in the later decades of the century did not go uncontested. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of British Journal of Canadian Studies is the property of Liverpool University Press / Journals and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Canadian Review of Social Policy / Revue Canadienne de Politique Sociale is the property of York University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The First World War inflicted suffering upon hundreds of thousands of Canadian families between 1914 and 1918. In response, the state modernized its pension system to partially alleviate the postwar suffering of these families, reflecting the changing role of government in the lives of Canadians. To receive a pension after the war, Canadian veterans and dependants had to prove their postwar suffering arose directly from the battlefield, yet not all who qualified were accorded the same treatment. Unlike their non-Indigenous counterparts, external administrators were appointed to oversee the expenditure of pensions given to Indigenous veterans and dependants to ensure they were spent responsibly. Disabled Indigenous veterans and dependants recognized this as a profoundly discriminatory system – reducing them to their "Indian" identity – and drew from the nineteenth-century language of imperial nationalism and patriotism to demand equitable compensation and treatment from the state. Understanding the experiences of death and disability as intimately as the racist discrimination they faced, they envisioned their place as equals within the larger community of Canadian war casualties even though settlers and the state refused to recognize them as such. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article documents an ethnographic case study designed to provide deeper insight into the manifestation of political opinion in the rural areas of Alberta, Canada. Employing "a method of listening," the study demonstrates that rural Albertans, like rural Americans, are feeling politically alienated and angry in ways that go beyond ideological preference, age or income level. In fact, the grievances unveiled in this study are connected directly to key aspects of their social identites: to thier sense of belonging as Albertans, as "ordinary citizens" and as explicitly rural. Importantly, these forms of alienation are often experienced as being layered, frequently melting into each other and strongly informing both these citizens' strong support for anti-establishment politics and the rather negative fashion in which they interpret the plight of newcomers to Canada and of Indigenous Canadians. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revue des Sciences de l'Education is the property of Revue des Sciences de l'Education and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This qualitative study explored how the music therapy profession can resist oppressive forces, including racism, ableism, heteronormativity, cisnormativity, and individualism. Participants were three music therapists in Canada who are known for their contributions to social justice: Dr. Sue Baines, Dr. Cynthia Bruce, and Dr. Carolyn Kenny, each of whom consented to their name being published in the research. The author interviewed each participant about music therapy and social justice and analyzed the data through narrative, phenomenological, and arts-based methodologies. Findings consisted of narratives that expressed meaning in and of themselves about how music therapists can resist oppression in their work. These narratives also generated four essential themes, which suggest practices that can help music therapists to resist oppression: privileging lived experience, collective engagement, strategic commitment, and spaciousness. These themes in turn generated a meta-theme about the need for music therapists to balance the practices of spaciousness versus integrity in order for their activism to be effective. A major limitation of the study is identified to be the topic itself, social justice, the vagueness of which can allow music therapists to unduly neglect some of the more marginalizing oppressions. The author thus recommends intersectionality as a more effective topic for future music therapy research that aims to explore activism and/or injustice, since said concept gives more nuanced consideration to specific and/or multiple oppressions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the past number of years there has been increased interest in racism and anti‐racism amongst geographers. This paper focuses on one type of anti‐racism methodology that relates to critically interrogating my own white colonial settler ancestors and particularly the institutions and structures of which they were a part, and using those understandings to resist the contemporary increase in white supremacy and anti‐Asian racism. It also seeks to demonstrate the links between anti‐racism and decolonization. Particularly, I examine the Native Sons and Daughters of British Columbia, Canada, in the Nanaimo city area, where my great‐grandparents from northern England and Scotland settled as working‐class miners at the beginning of the 20th century. I examine white working‐class settler racism against Asians, especially as practiced against Chinese and Japanese immigrants. While I do not argue that this is the only or even the most important type of anti‐racism methodology, this sort of research and associated production of knowledge can be useful in resisting present‐day anti‐Asian racism, even though I acknowledge that I am still embedded in colonial structures of racism and white privilege. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using nationally representative data from the 2013 Canadian Community Health Survey, this article examines the prevalence and patterning of self-reported everyday discrimination in Canada. Almost twenty-three percent of Canadians report experiencing everyday discrimination. The most common types reported are gender, age, and race, followed by discrimination based on physical characteristics such as weight. Sex, age, marital status, race, place of birth, and body mass index all contribute to individuals' reported experiences of discrimination. Gay men report particularly high levels of discrimination based on sexual orientation; Blacks, Asians, and Aboriginals report particularly high levels of racial discrimination; and Arabs, South and West Asians, and Aboriginals report particularly high levels of religious discrimination. There is strong evidence of the persistence of everyday discrimination in Canada, across multiple social groups, despite legal protections for marginalized groups. Suggestions are made for addressing the roots of discrimination at both the individual and the collective levels. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We argue that Canadian immigration law, policy, and practice have historically excluded, race and disability, on a number of grounds, and that there is a common link between them, which is the perception of immigrants' inability to adapt and integrate into a Canadian identity. The paper conducts a historical analysis of the Canadian immigration framework situated at the intersection of identities based on race and disability, which we link through Critical Race Theory analysis; and class, which is shown through the "excessive demand" standard, the origins of which we trace in relation to the commodification of immigrants based on their economic value. This paper shows how the marking of immigrant ethnic groups as medically inadmissible--currently by imposing an "excessive demand" test on health care or social services as a class-based admission criterion--both has historical grounding in turn of the century exclusionary logic of racism and ableism, and defies equality standards in the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms. When we apply "interest convergence," we see how the limits to Canadian generosity or liberal tolerance are implied in current immigration restrictions. This application shows that even reforms that have now distanced immigration law from having prohibited classes and therefore do not explicitly mention race, disability or disease have only benefited disabled racialized immigrants when those reforms also aligned with the economic interests of the state. We draw upon historical exclusionary laws based on race and disability, that defined race as a disability, and more recent case law based on disability and class, regarding the denial of immigration status to persons with disabilities unless families volunteered to cover costs of care and policies surrounding immigration inspection, to show a continuing pattern of systemic exclusion. According to this pattern, ethnic groups confronting Canadian borders were read alongside and through their diagnoses of disease and disability as undesirable and unassimilable. This now confronts those with disabilities who are considered economically undesirable. The current challenge is therefore to recognize these historical, ableist (discrimination against disability) patterns, and to create policies and laws that are not based on such exclusionary understandings of difference but that instead continue to transform our definition of citizenship and identity in equitable and inclusive ways. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of International Journal of Canadian Studies is the property of University of Toronto Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper analyzes the Canadian Arab youth votes in the federal election of 2015 through the lens of critical race theory and the literature on age-ism and Islamophobia. First, we investigate mainstream academic theories about ethno-cultural youth political decision-making as they pertain to voting and then investigate how such theories can be critically re-evaluated in light of the literature on constraining structures. We then examine some of the most provocative elements of the 2015 election campaign and analyze how Canadian Arab youth responded, why and how their decisions were informed by and informed the greater literature on ethnic minority youth voting. In this process, we ask: what concepts might help us better understand this rising demographic, its political animus and its significance for Canadian politics? Of great interest in this paper is whether voter apathy historically reported for young people and ethno-cultural communities continued to hold in the 2015 federal election. We critically interrogate what the 2015 federal election meant to Canadian Arab youth and identify the predominant political priorities for young Arab Canadians through the findings of structured focus groups. Our results indicate that Arab Canadian youth were highly engaged with the election which they felt largely revolved around stereotypes of Canada's Arab and Muslim communities. Due to the perceived efficacy of their vote and an animated defiance of imposing structures, apathy among Arab youth was the exception rather than the norm. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Canadian Review of Social Policy / Revue Canadienne de Politique Sociale is the property of York University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Canadian Review of Social Policy / Revue Canadienne de Politique Sociale is the property of York University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Industrial Relations / Relations Industrielles is the property of Universite Laval, Department of Industrial Relations and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article compares feelings of discomfort and experiences of discrimination attributed to racial and ethnic difference among visible minorities and two white groups: 'Europeans' and 'white charter' individuals. In conducting the analysis, attention is given to the role of location by examining how responses vary in three types of locations in Canada: large and diverse metropolitan areas, smaller 'second-tier' cities, and towns and rural areas. Using the Ethnic Diversity Survey (EDS) as the principal data source, the results of descriptive and explanatory multivariate analyses are presented. Logistic regression analyses confirm that race frequently is interpreted as underlying experiences of discomfort and discrimination in Canada, with visible minorities much more likely to report racial and ethnic discomfort and discrimination than the two white groups. While location is not strongly related to racial and ethnic discrimination, it has a significant impact on reports of discomfort. Residents of Montreal, Toronto, and Vancouver are more likely to report racial and ethnic discomfort than those living in non-metropolitan areas. As others have reported in Australia and Great Britain, living in diverse social environments where negotiation of difference is an everyday necessity heightens discomfort. The findings highlight geographical variations in the lived experience of multiculturalism that warrant further investigation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the varied understandings of human rights in Ontario in the immediate aftermath of the Second World War. The article compares the social origins and implementation of Ontario's Fair Employment Practices Act - which combatted racist and religious discrimination - with Ontario's Female Employees Fair Remuneration Act - which mandated equal pay for women who did the same work as men. Although a few feminists called for the Fair Employment Practices Act to prohibit sex discrimination as well, their pleas fell mainly on deaf ears in this period. Men and women who fought against racist injustice were frequently unaware of gender injustice, for they, like so many others, subscribed to the deeply embedded ideology of the family wage. Conversely, some of the most outspoken advocates of women's rights were unconscious of - or chose to ignore - racism. At the same time, some of the most committed advocates of equal pay for equal work actually reinforced certain conventional assumptions about men's gender privilege at work and at home. Moreover, while the enforcement of both acts was constrained by the conciliatory framework embedded within them, the government officials who were charged with applying both acts interpreted the equal pay act quite narrowly and were significantly more diligent in tackling racist and religious employment discrimination. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses a study which assessed the impact of racism on the daily occupational activities of African-Canadian women. The subjects were interviewed about their daily occupational experiences with racism. The study found that everyday racism had subtle impacts on the women' engagement with their occupations. It concludes that occupational therapists should also attend to racism.