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Objective: The ancient Maya used to practice dental inlays as part of the cultural traditions. Most of those inlays remain in place after more than one thousand years. The purpose of this paper is to investigate the incidence of pulp pathosis associated with ancient Maya dental inlays to assess the impact that such common practice had on the population's oral health., Design: We scored 193 anterior inlaid teeth from 107 pre-Hispanic Maya dentitions studied at three archaeological storage facilities (Universidad Autonoma de Yucatan, Harvard University, Atlas of Guatemala Project). Two hundred eleven untreated frontal teeth of pre-Hispanic Mayan collections were used as controls. We performed macroscopic, radiographic and microscopic analyses to assess the frequency of caries, pulp calcifications, internal root resorption (IRR), and periapical lesions (PALs)., Results: In the inlaid teeth, the frequencies of pulp calcifications, IRR, caries and PALs were 59.8%, 2.2%, 18.5% and 19.2%, respectively. Compared with untreated teeth, inlaid specimens exhibited greater susceptibility to caries, pulp calcifications, IRR and PALs than untreated teeth (pulp calcifications: 44.5%, IRR: 0%, caries: 1.4%, and PAL: 1.9%). Age-at-death did not have any significant influence on susceptibility to pulp calcifications, IRR, caries or PALs., Conclusions: We noted relatively low pulp irritation and a low frequency of carious infections, IRR and PALs in Mayan inlaid teeth. However, these levels exceeded the frequencies of untreated teeth from the same area and time period. We follow that the cements used by the pre-Hispanic Maya to fix the inlays into their sockets provided excellent sealing characteristics on average., (Copyright © 2018 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.)

Our archaeological investigations at Ceibal, a lowland Maya site located in the Pasión region, documented that a formal ceremonial complex was built around 950 B.C. at the onset of the Middle Preclassic period, when ceramics began to be used in the Maya lowlands. Our refined chronology allowed us to trace the subsequent social changes in a resolution that had not been possible before. Many residents of Ceibal appear to have remained relatively mobile during the following centuries, living in ephemeral post-in-ground structures and frequently changing their residential localities. In other parts of the Pasión region, there may have existed more mobile populations who maintained the traditional lifestyle of the preceramic period. Although the emerging elite of Ceibal began to live in a substantial residential complex by 700 B.C., advanced sedentism with durable residences rebuilt in the same locations and burials placed under house floors was not adopted in most residential areas until 500 B.C., and did not become common until 300 B.C. or the Late Preclassic period. During the Middle Preclassic period, substantial formal ceremonial complexes appear to have been built only at a small number of important communities in the Maya lowlands, and groups with different levels of sedentism probably gathered for their constructions and for public rituals held in them. These collaborative activities likely played a central role in socially integrating diverse groups with different lifestyles and, eventually, in developing fully established sedentary communities.

The reasons for the development and collapse of Maya civilization remain controversial and historical events carved on stone monuments throughout this region provide a remarkable source of data about the rise and fall of these complex polities. Use of these records depends on correlating the Maya and European calendars so that they can be compared with climate and environmental datasets. Correlation constants can vary up to 1000 years and remain controversial. We report a series of high-resolution AMS (14)C dates on a wooden lintel collected from the Classic Period city of Tikal bearing Maya calendar dates. The radiocarbon dates were calibrated using a Bayesian statistical model and indicate that the dates were carved on the lintel between AD 658-696. This strongly supports the Goodman-Martínez-Thompson (GMT) correlation and the hypothesis that climate change played an important role in the development and demise of this complex civilization.

Human sacrifice became a common cultural trait during the advanced phases of Mesoamerican civilizations. This phenomenon, influenced by complex religious beliefs, included several practices such as decapitation, cranial deformation, and the use of human cranial bones for skull mask manufacturing. Archaeological evidence suggests that all of these practices required specialized knowledge of skull base and upper cervical anatomy. The authors conducted a systematic search for information on skull base anatomical and surgical knowledge among Mesoamerican civilizations. A detailed exposition of these results is presented, along with some interesting information extracted from historical documents and pictorial codices to provide a better understanding of skull base surgical practices among these cultures. Paleoforensic evidence from the Great Temple of Tenochtitlan indicates that Aztec priests used a specialized decapitation technique, based on a deep anatomical knowledge. Trophy skulls were submitted through a stepwise technique for skull mask fabrication, based on skull base anatomical landmarks. Understanding pre-Columbian Mesoamerican religions can only be realized by considering them in their own time and according to their own perspective. Several contributions to medical practice might have arisen from anatomical knowledge emerging from human sacrifice and decapitation techniques.

Introduction: The skull cult is a cultural tradition that dates back to at least Neolithic times. Its main manifestations are trophy heads, skull masks, moulded skulls and shrunken heads. The article reviews the skull cult in both pre-Columbian America and the ethnographic present from a neuro-anthropological perspective., Development: The tradition of shaping and painting the skulls of ancestors goes back to the Indo-European Neolithic period (Natufian culture and Gobekli Tepe). In Mesoamerica, post-mortem decapitation was the first step of a mortuary treatment that resulted in a trophy head, a skull for the tzompantli or a skull mask. The lithic technology utilised by the Mesoamerican cultures meant that disarticulation had to be performed in several stages. Tzompantli is a term that refers both to a construction where the heads of victims were kept and to the actual skulls themselves. Skull masks are skulls that have been artificially modified in order to separate and decorate the facial part; they have been found in the Templo Mayor of Tenochtitlan. The existence of trophy heads is well documented by means of iconographic representations on ceramic ware and textiles belonging to the Paraca, Nazca and Huari cultures of Peru. The Mundurucu Indians of Brazil and the Shuar or Jivaroan peoples of Amazonian Ecuador have maintained this custom down to the present day. The Shuar also shrink heads (tzantzas) in a ritual process. Spanish chroniclers such as Fray Toribio de Benavente 'Motolinia' and Gaspar de Carvajal spoke of these practices., Conclusions: In pre-Columbian America, the tradition of decapitating warriors in order to obtain trophy heads was a wide-spread and highly developed practice.

Social anthropology at INCAP evolved through a series of stages. The initial work in the 1950s was concerned with finding ways to make INCAP nutritional research more effective. In a second phase, emerging in the 1960s, anthropology examined the nutrition process in the population, especially as it was manifested in child care and feeding, lactation, and population growth and in the relation of economic process to nutritional progress. In the 1970s, anthropology once more became an adjunct of nutritional research. Anthropological awareness was introduced into project planning, and field studies were undertaken by way of shaping the research process to work in accord with local realities. In the 1980s and 1990s, there was a shift away from more descriptive research to research directed to supporting and facilitating specific nutrition and health behavior change.

The Maya ball game (MBG) originated more than 3,000 years ago. As best as is now known from archaeological and iconographical sources as well as the structure of the sport courts, this was a very physically taxing and important part of Mayan culture. The objective of this paper was to determine the physical load on those who participated in MBG as best as could be done from present perspectives. The load appears to be similar to that observed in soccer-tennis, in which heart rate rises to 140-160 beats/min and systolic blood pressure to 150-170 mm Hg. This is considered a light-to-moderate workload (4.5-5.5 metabolic equivalents) comparable to intensities reached in baseball, cycling (10 km/h), cross-country skiing (7 km/h), tournament dancing, swimming (2 km/h), doubles tennis and hiking (7 km/h). Thus, the cardiovascular demands of popular sports seem to have remained relatively similar through several millennia., (Copyright 2009 S. Karger AG, Basel.)

This study examines the population structure of Classic period (A.D. 250-900) Maya populations through analysis of odontometric variation of 827 skeletons from 12 archaeological sites in Mexico, Guatemala, Belize, and Honduras. The hypothesis that isolation by distance characterized Classic period Maya population structure is tested using Relethford and Blangero's (Hum Biol 62 (1990) 5-25) approach to R matrix analysis for quantitative traits. These results provide important biological data for understanding ancient Maya population history, particularly the effects of the competing Tikal and Calakmul hegemonies on patterns of lowland Maya site interaction. An overall F(ST) of 0.018 is found for the Maya area, indicating little among-group variation for the Classic Maya sites tested. Principal coordinates plots derived from the R matrix analysis show little regional patterning in the data, though the geographic outliers of Kaminaljuyu and a pooled Pacific Coast sample did not cluster with the lowland Maya sites. Mantel tests comparing the biological distance matrix to a geographic distance matrix found no association between genetic and geographic distance. In the Relethford-Blangero analysis, most sites possess negative or near-zero residuals, indicating minimal extraregional gene flow. The exceptions were Barton Ramie, Kaminaljuyu, and Seibal. A scaled R matrix analysis clarifies that genetic drift is a consideration for understanding Classic Maya population structure. All results indicate that isolation by distance does not describe Classic period Maya population structure., ((c) 2006 Wiley-Liss, Inc.)

The relationship of human societies to territory and natural resources is being drastically altered by a series of global agreements concerning trade, intellectual property, and the conservation and use of genetic resources. Through a characteristic style of collective appropriation of their tropical ecosystems, Maya societies have created local institutions for governing access to their common resources. However, new mechanisms of global governance require access to Maya biodiversity for world commercial interests. The Chiapas Highland Maya already face this prospect in the International Cooperative Biodiversity Group drug discovery project, which proposes to use Maya medical knowledge to screen plants for potential pharmaceuticals. The ethnobiological focus of the project emphasizes the naturalistic aspects of Maya medicine, primarily the use of herbal remedies. This biological gaze decontextualizes the situated knowledge of Maya healers, ignoring the cultural context in which they create and apply that knowledge. The search for raw materials for the production of universal medical technology results in symbolic violence to the cultural logic of Maya peoples. Only the full recognition of Maya peoples' collective rights to territory and respect for their local common-resource institutions will provide ultimate protection for their cultural and natural patrimony.

Hypertrophic osteoarthropathy is one of the earliest recognized disease entities in the history of medicine. It has a peculiar periosteal proliferation distinctive from other bone diseases. In its advanced stage, it leaves an indelible mark on the skeleton. It has been recently shown that digital clubbing is accompanied by a bone remodeling process of the underlying phalanges. Thus, theoretically, this entity can be recognized in ancient human skeletal remains. We studied part of the collection of skeletal remains from pre-Hispanic Mesoamerica preserved at the National Museum of Anthropology of Mexico City. We examined 1000 specimens and found 2 skeletons with widespread, bilateral, symmetric periosteal proliferation of the tubular bones in addition to the bone remodeling changes of the distal phalanges. One of the specimens was from the Formative period (2000 B.C. to 100 A.D.). We conclude that hypertrophic osteoarthropathy can be recognized in ancient human skeletal remains and that this disease was present in Mesoamerica near the time of the original description of clubbing by Hippocrates about 2500 years ago.