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Copyright of Revista Musical Chilena is the property of Universidad de Chile and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper analyses the political paths of congresswomen in Bolivia, Colombia, Ecuador, Peru and Chile between 2009 and 2016. Their trajectories are classified according to their previous experience and the territorial levels at which they won elections before entering congress, and includes both novices and professionals. The professionals had prior political experience at either national or subnational level, with some having won re-election. Despite the countries' differing institutional structures, the vast majority held their first political position at national level - in congress (novices). Among the professionals, most of them in Chile, Ecuador and Peru began their careers at national level, while in Colombia and Bolivia they began at subnational level. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This is a historical, institutional study about the congressional committee system of the Chilean legislature from 1834 through 1924. This study uses a longitudinal perspective to focus on committee origins, functions, processes, and authority. It shows that the Chilean legislature developed a committee system early by taking stock of previous, short-lived congressional experiences and trial-and-error. Congressional committees dealt with bill drafting, housekeeping matters, and bureaucratic oversight therein with varying results. Congressional leaders presided over the committee appointment process by relying on majority support and persuasion. The impact of institutional design on committee performance, notwithstanding, the evidence shows that committees performed as specialized, authoritative agencies even before the emergence of modern political parties in the late 1850s. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Polis (07176554) is the property of Polis - Revista Academica Universidad Bolivariana and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In this research note we present preliminary evidence on the characteristics of twenty-four congressional electoral campaigns during the Chilean national elections of 2005 and then utilize it to create a typology of campaign types for incumbents and challengers. The evidence was collected through participant observation and in-depth interviewing in six electoral districts of the Metropolitan Region of Santiago. Additionally, we systematized secondary information available for each district and candidate. The statistical and Boolean analysis of this data yields the following results: a) different campaign profiles exist; b) the most important variable in causing those divergent profiles is incumbency, as incumbent legislators seeking reelection spend systematically more than their challengers; c) although the previous trend holds among different types of districts and across political parties, incumbent candidates of the Alianza spend more than their counterparts of the Concertación, especially when competing in popular districts; d) other theoretically important factors such as candidate's access to an extensive partisan network in the district, the use of party-symbols in campaigns, the reliance on anti-party or outsider rhetoric, or congressmen's Congress attendance record do not seem to affect election or reelection chances. Our analysis also identifies the campaign types that are most likely to generate the election of incumbents or challengers. Most notably we found that the most effective (but very unusual) way for challengers to beat an incumbent is to spend more than, and aggressively confront, their own coalition's incumbent candidate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]