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The paper tries to make an assessment of the borderland regions of China and India with a focus on Xinjiang, Tibet, Kashmir and the Indian Northeast. The paper looks at the conflict in India and China's periphery, how these conflicts have evolved with time and how they have changed their character with the passage of time, from the 1950s until the present day. After looking at some background, the paper primarily focusses on three key issues which impact on all four of the conflicts: the rise of ethnic nationalism, the impact of external forces on the conflict and the human rights situation. After making an assessment of the political situation, the paper looks at the areas of similarity and differences between the four regions. Methodologically, a bottom-up approach was taken and in-depth unstructured interviews were carried out with people from the conflict zones that the paper considers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The rationale behind this paper is to stimulate reflection, open a debate and provide its readers with some much overlooked perspectives, perceptions and approaches from China, India and the Tibetan émigrés in India as regards the Tibet issue. These are formulated on the basis of author's interviews and enquiries with the representatives of the Dalai Lama's Tibetan Government in Exile, the leaders of Tibetan Youth Congress, the representatives of Students for a Free Tibet, as well as the Tibetan émigré in India and ordinary Indians. Besides, the paper also throws light on major differences and contradiction between India and China over Tibet issue; the future course of the Tibetan movement; and explores the possibilities of establishing a mechanism between India and China on Tibet. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Tibetan Community has been facing a constant human rights violation following the Political instability in the region particularly after 1950 as a result of which, they have been in a state of hopelessness. This has in turn, resulted in their exile into the neighbouring countries especially India. Given the forbearance shown by this community while in exile, this community has invited the attention of one and all. The present paper, therefore, represents an attempt to understand the Tibetan Diaspora in India from the historical view point and also by analyzing the various issues confronting this community while in exile. Besides this paper highlights the role of Central Tibetan Administration (CTA) towards its exiled Tibetan community and in chasing the long cherished dream of free Tibet. The paper is based on the quantitative analysis of factual information available through print and electronic media. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The recent debates within and beyond Marxism around empire and imperialism focus on deterritorialization, but fail to see non-Western states as anything other than collaborators or victims. Highlighting the importance of center-periphery relations within the territorially bounded political space of the nation-state, this paper puts forward a new concept of the Postcolonial Informal Empire (PIE) to characterize the emerging powers of China and India. The greatest paradox of PIEs is that a postcolonial impulse—to critically appropriate Western ideas and technologies such as sovereignty, nationalism, and the free market to build the multinational state and combine it with an affirmation of stories of historical greatness and long existing, pre-Westernized, civilizational-national cultures—enables the political entities to consolidate and discipline their borderlands and reduce diverse inhabiting peoples to culturally different but politically subservient subjects. It is predominantly a nationalist politics, and not economic calculability or financial interests, that shapes PIEs’ center-borderlands relations. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

In recent years what has been witnessed is that Indians have been encouraged to study contemporary China not only due to the cultural richness of that civilization, but also because of China's already significant influence on world events. In fact, with the incorporation of Tibet into the People's Republic of China (PRC) in 1950 and the Government of India's oft-repeated official acknowledgement of Tibet as an autonomous region of China, the PRC ceased to be a ‘distant neighbour’ and became as proximate to India as the states of the Indian subcontinent itself. Obviously, for Indian scholars whose prime focus is South Asia, there is an imperative to study China as well. Tibet, which has been one of the key areas of China studies, needs to be researched comprehensively so as to gauge the extent of its influence on China studies in India in general and India-China relations in particular. It is in this context that this paper seeks to examine how academics, journalists, policy makers, politicians and China studies experts in India have viewed Tibet so far as its influence on India-China relations in the broader context is concerned. It also highlights the viewpoints of Chinese scholars on such issue, besides examining whether Tibet would continue to be an important factor impacting China Studies in India. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on ethnographic research on exiled Tibetan political institutions and practices in India, this paper investigates sovereignty in exile. The Tibetan Government-in-Exile (TGiE) remains internationally unrecognised and lacks de jure sovereignty over territory in both Tibet and in exile. However, this exiled administration claims legitimacy as the official representative of the Tibetan population, performs a number of state-like functions in relation to its diasporic ‘citizenry’ and attempts to make its voice heard within the international community. Rejecting arguments that such entities should be viewed merely as discrepant forms of political practice, this paper asserts that the state, sovereignty, and territory can be conceptually disentangled, opening up the theoretical possibility of entities other than territorial states claiming sovereignty. In teasing apart and problematising constituent elements of sovereignty, this paper focuses on three aspects of the TGiE's articulations of sovereignty: its claims to and production of legitimacy, authority and de facto sovereignty; its displaced sovereignty and strategies of territorial governance over non-contiguous spaces in exile; and the mediation of its ambiguous relationship with the host state India through practices of tacit sovereignty. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

The Eastern Karakoram is a remote and under studied region of Ladakh in the northwestern Himalaya. The geology of the area provides insight into the evolution of the south Asian margin since the Paleozoic and is dominated structurally by the Karakoram fault, an ∼800 km long dextral strike-slip fault that bounds western Tibet. In this paper, a 1:250,000 geological map is presented based upon fieldwork and interpretation of satellite imagery. An overview of the geology of the Eastern Karakoram is also presented and includes a discussion of the architecture and kinematics of the central segment of the Karakoram fault. The construction of the map has aided our understanding of the initiation and evolution of the Karakoram fault and of the geology of the south Asian margin in this region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: Eocene is a critical time for the elevation of Tibetan Plateau and global climate change, and previous studies suggested that the Eocene elevation was caused by intra-continental subduction of the Songpan–Garze block beneath the Qiangtang block. This paper reports zircon U–Pb age and geochemistry of the Eocene volcanic rocks from the Zuerkenwula mountain area in the northern part of Qiangtang block, and proposes that both slab break-off of the Neo-Tethys oceanic slab along the Bangong–Nujiang suture and intra-continental subduction of the Songpan–Garze block beneath the Qiangtang block caused the extensive partial melting of lithospheric mantle and subducted Songpan–Garze continental crust, which resulted in the significant elevation of the Tibetan Plateau. The volcanic rocks have LA-ICP MS U–Pb zircon age of 40.25±0.15Ma (MSWD=2.1, 2σ), which is contemporaneous with the Eocene eclogites in the Great Himalayan and K-rich lavas in the southeastern Tibet. They display some adakitic characteristics with SiO2 =57.44 to 68.72%, TiO2 =0.38 to 0.81%, Na2O=2.89 to 4.35%, K2O=2.77 to 4.48%, Al2O3 =13.92 to 18.22%, A/CNK=0.69 to 1.03, MgO=0.27 to 5.86% with Mg# ranging from 13.2 to 72.0, strongly depleted in heavy rare earth elements (HREEs) (Yb=0.92 to 1.51ppm and Y=10.1 to 24.1ppm), in combination with their positive Sr anomalies, high Sr/Y ratios and no significant Eu anomalies, which suggest a garnet-in and plagioclase-free source residue. These volcanic rocks can be divided into high-Mg# (>45) and low-Mg# (<45) groups. Both of the two groups share evolved Sr–Nd–Pb isotopic compositions with 87Sr/86Sr=0.707412–0.708284; εNd(t)=−4.0 to −5.7; 206Pb/204Pb=18.7499–18.8189, 207Pb/204Pb=15.7189–15.7384; 208Pb/204Pb=39.166–39.262. The geophysical data and regional geological setting suggest that the low-Mg# adakitic rocks were derived from the decompression melting of a subducted lower continental crust, when low-Mg# adakitic melts in the overlying peridotite mantle wedge captured some olivine crystals, resulting in their elevated Mg# and MgO values. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

This paper argues that more than their boundary dispute, it is the place of Tibet in the Sino–Indian relationship that is at the core of the continuing mistrust between the two countries. For China, pushing economic development as a panacea to ethnic grievances has been an insufficient strategy. To ensure sustainable political stability in Tibet, it is necessary to give India greater space in Tibet in the form of improved economic, tourist and religious exchanges as a way of relieving the sense of cultural siege that ethnic Tibetans suffer from. India meanwhile, having accepted Chinese sovereignty over Tibet, will have to reciprocate with a new ‘forward policy’ of its own allowing for greater Chinese access to its own markets and the removal of other discriminatory restrictions on Chinese travelling to India. The way ahead lies in converting Tibet’s political centrality into an economic centrality in the Sino–Indian bilateral relationship. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper posits that China’s insistence on the ‘return’ to China of the territory constituting Arunachal Pradesh, and even China’s insistence on Indian cession of a salient of territory in the Tawang area of that region, is a form of Chinese deterrence of what Beijing takes to be potentially dangerous ‘anti-China’ behaviour by India. Deep divergence of Chinese and Indian perceptions of Tibet, plus the history of Indian support for unarmed and armed Tibetan resistance to Chinese Communist rule of Tibet, makes Beijing fearful that India might again, someday, work to undermine Chinese rule in Tibet. An open territorial dispute serves as a standing threat to ‘teach India a lesson’, underlining for New Delhi the need for great circumspection in dealing with China. Indian strategic alignment with the United States exacerbates Chinese fears. The intensity of China’s implicit threat can be turned up or down by Beijing as the perversity of Indian policy indicates. Keeping the border issue open dovetails with China’s continuing entente with Pakistan and may even be based on an understanding between Beijing and Islamabad. A premise of this argument is that mainstream Indian opinion is willing to translate the line of actual control into an international border. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Tibetan medicine is one of the five major sciences, called gSoba Rig-pa, the science of healing, originating some 2500 years ago. Despite their exile, Tibetans have preserved the teachings in Dharmsala, India, including the seven-year training course necessary for becoming a doctor of Tibetan medicine. An essential aspect of the science is in the analysis, diagnosis and treatment of a person's condition, which rely principally on urine, pulse and tongue diagnosis. The aim of this paper is to provide an overview of the philosophy, principles and practices of Tibetan medicine and its view on health and how imbalances are expressed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The recent uprising in Tibet has once again brought the question of libel into the limelight. The unrest in Tibet just prior to Olympic games in Beijing put the Chinese leadership in perturbing situation, It evoked international responses in favour of Tibetans which resulted into bycotting of Olympic torch relay ceremony by many countries' leaders, people and celebrities. The massive international support received by Tibetans put the Chinese leadership in defensive position and forced them to invite Tibetan representatives for talks, however the talks remained inconclusive. Since the presence of Dalal Lama in India, Tibet is a very sensitive issue between India and China. Therefore present paper aims to analyse Tibet in historical perspective as well as the impact of Tibet factor on India - China relations, [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Examines the status of Tibetans in India in 2000. Information on the social conditions of the exiles from Tibet in India; Comparison between the self-sufficiency of Tibetans and Palestinians; Key to the success of Tibetans-in-exile. INSET: Escape to freedom.

This article presents combined stratigraphic, sedimentological, subsidence and provenance data for the Cretaceous-Palaeogene succession from the Zhepure Mountain of southern Tibet. This region records the northernmost sedimentation of the Tethyan passive margin of India, and this time interval represents the transition into continental collision with Asia. The uppermost Cretaceous Zhepure Shanpo and Jidula formations record the transition from pelagic into upper slope to delta-plain environments. The Palaeocene-lower Eocene Zongpu Formation records a carbonate ramp that is overlain by the deep-water Enba Formation (lower Eocene). The upper part of the Enba Formation records shallowing into a storm-influenced, outer shelf environment. Detrital zircon U-Pb and Hf isotopic data indicate that the terrigenous strata of the Enba Formation were sourced from the Lhasa terrane. Unconformably overlying the Enba Formation is the Zhaguo Formation comprising fluvial deposits with evidence of recycling from the underlying successions. Backstripped subsidence analysis indicates shallowing during latest Cretaceous-earliest Palaeocene time (Zhepure Shanpo and Jidula formations) driven by basement uplift, followed by stability (Zongpu Formation) until early Eocene time (Enba Formation) when accelerated subsidence occurred. The provenance, subsidence and stratigraphy suggest that the Enba and Zhaguo formations record foredeep and wedge-top sedimentation respectively within the early Himalayan foreland basin. The underlying Zongpu Formation is interpreted to record the accumulation of a carbonate ramp at the margin of a submarine forebulge. The precursor tectonic uplift during latest Cretaceous time could either record surface uplift over a mantle plume related to the Réunion hotspot, or an early signal of lithospheric flexure related to oceanic subduction, continental collision or ophiolite obduction. The results indicate that the collision of India with Asia occurred before late Danian ( ca. 62 Ma) time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents an analysis on the impact of Tibetan unrest in March 2008 and the response of India to such unrest. It says that the Tibetan unrest emphasized the need for China to engage the Dalai Lama in looking for a peaceful and negotiated solution of the said problem. It mentions that India responded to China's sensitivites with restraint and caution during and after the unrest, even though there has been no change in India's Tibet policy in the aftermath of the Tibetan tangle.

The article examines the relationship between exiled Tibetans and Indians. The source comes from documents by refugees and Tibetan and Indian officials. The research is also based primarily on interviews with Tibetans in exile in various northern Indian towns, cities and settlements, as well as public discourse and the media. Topics include citizenship, national and cultural boundaries, and Tibetan Buddhist philosophy in regard to the Tibetans' attitudes towards suffering and other social problems.

Western scholars have written on the theory of Buddhist argumentation. They have also analyzed examples of arguments found in philosophical and polemical writing. However, little has been written to date about what might have transpired when Buddhists and their opponents met in face-to-face debates in classical India. Drawing on Chinese and Tibetan historical and biographical writings about famous Indian debates, this essay analyzes the structure and conventions of these accounts as a literary form. While it is difficult to assess the historicity of particular narratives, an analysis of this literature as a whole gives us clues about what might have occured when Indian scholars faced their adversaries in live debates. These sources provide us with a picture of the etiquette, rules of engagement, and strategies that may have been used in such encounters. They also suggest what constituted defeat in ancient Indian verbal contests, and they point to some of the real-political and material benefits of victory. The essay ends by reflecting on the function of these narratives vis-à-vis Tibetan Buddhist scholastic identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the studies made by Jesuit missionaries regarding the gentile religions in South India and Tibet, China. These missionaries include Roberto Nobili, Matteo Ricci, and Ippolito Desideri. According to the author, the main reason why the early missionaries were able to form an accurate understanding of the classifications of Gentile religions because they learned the classifications among these people with whom they lived and worked.

Chinese nationalism primarily represents Han nationalism and ignores ethnic minority sub-nationalisms and identities in the larger cause of the state's unity and integrity. The Chinese state calls for submerging of all minority identities within the predominant Han identity, for promoting national cohesion and nationalism, effectively precluding the possibility of the assertion of Tibetan nationalism and autonomy. Because of the suppression of Tibetans in China, a large number of them have fled and settled in India and elsewhere. The Tibetan movement for safeguarding their identity, culture and political space has grievously suffered as a result of Chinese nationalism and China's Tibet policy. The fate of Tibetan nationalism is, to a large extent, tied to the dynamics of the Sino-Indian relations and the course of the internal Tibetan politics and that of its relationship with the community in exile in the post-Dalai Lama era. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the Tibetan rebellion of 1959 and the changing relations of China with India and the Soviet Union. It offers a historical background of the Tibetan rebellion. It mentions the reasons that Mao Zedong wanted a quick solution to the Tibet issue. It cites Beijing's strategy of crisis management.

This article, by going through the literature in political science and anthropology, argues that historical outcomes, rhetoric legitimation of the nation-state project, and the post-September 11, 2001, war on terrorism have fueled the discussion whereby both regions--Kashmir and Tibet have something in common. It focuses on issues of collective rights, national identity, and state sovereignty in these two conflicts to ask what political solution exists for Tibetans or citizens Kashmir in today's changing world. Both of these post-WWII conflicts have been framed and defined by the two core states involved, India and China. Analytically, this article draws on anthropological and political work on the state to suggest possible non-violent, community-oriented solutions to these conflicts.

Considers the historical relationship between football and India and the way in which football arrived in Tibet, China. Sport in Tibet before the British introduction of football; Aims of the British promotion of the game in the country; Indigenous responses to the British promotion; Outcome of the failure of the Tibetans to become a sporting nation.