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Abstract: China''s hard line and repressive policies have often stood in the way of its acceptance on the international stage. This legacy has nowhere been more evident than with respect to its national minority policies applied in Tibet. While China long ago in the 1951 17-point Agreement agreed to provide autonomy to Tibetans it has never delivered on this promise, offering repression and assimilation instead. In nearly every diplomatic outing, as was especially evident in the lead up to the 2008 Beijing Olympics, China''s Tibet policies have been an issue. With the 2007 UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples and the 2008 Tibetan Memorandum on Genuine Autonomy for the Tibetan People China surely has excellent guidance for a more humane policy to meet Tibetan concerns. With reference to its historical legacy and international standards, this article encourages China to embrace such policy reform. Display Omitted [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

The article focuses on the tragic March 2008 riots in Tibet, China. It is stated that it surprised the Chinese government and the world both by their occurrence and intensity. It is mentioned that the timing of the riots was inspired both by the March anniversary of the 1959 Tibetan uprising against Chinese rule when the Dalai Lama fled into exile and by the Beijing Olympics, which gave them the opportunity to attract attention to their cause. It is stated that long committed to non-violence and mindful of putting Tibetans at risk of a harsh Chinese response, the leaders would not have encouraged public confrontation.

This article recommends a change in China's policy toward Tibet to better conform to national commitments and international obligations. Since the People's Liberation Army marched into Tibet in the 1950s China has generally imposed its will on the Tibetan people. The 1951 "17-Point Agreement on Measures for the Peaceful Liberation of Tibet" reflected the view that China was liberating Tibetan territory from imperialist forces. From the Tibetan perspective such "liberation" was imposed and promises of local self-rule were not kept. The emerging communist and totalitarian state that followed the 1949 Chinese revolution proved incapable of allowing genuine Tibetan self-rule. A harsh attitude of domination ensued. The present instrument of Chinese rule is China's national minority policy provided in Article 4 of the Chinese Constitution and China's Law on Regional National Autonomy (LRNA). Though this policy promises local self-rule, the habits of intervention both formally in the political system and in the mechanisms of Communist Party oversight leave Tibetans with very little of the promised legislative and administrative autonomy. Assessing this policy against the backdrop of China's long historical relationship with Tibet and the requirements of international law, this article concludes that China's national minority policy fails to meet its obligations to the Tibetan people. Taking account of standards articulated in the new UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, this article recommends a change of course to establish a more genuine autonomy under Article 31 of the Chinese Constitution relating to the establishment of special administrative regions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article reports on the pursuit for self-rule in Tibet, an autonomous region of the Peoples Republic of China (PRC) located in the Himalayas. In the world, the region stands out as one of the most difficult and persistent human rights problems. Thus, it is hoped that autonomy will promote the conditions necessary for participation in economic, social, cultural and political life, promoting both human rights and democracy in Tibet. In relation, the Article 31 of the PRC's 1982 constitution is discussed. Also, Chinese' rule over Tibet is mentioned.

The article discusses the issue on democracy movement in Hongkong, China. It notes that the movement is evident during the first decade of the handover with the Hong Kong Basic Law as the city's constitution following its enactment in 1990. The legislation affords protection of human rights, a high degree of autonomy, and the rule of law. However, the contradicting non-democratic authoritarian rule and the liberal human rights protection have produced a series of political crises.

Deals with the dilemma facing China regarding the appropriate territorial boundaries for a future Tibet. Discussion on the structure of autonomy; Sources of the pressure facing China toward a federal system.

Discusses the merits of federalism on China's mainland and confederalism with its peripheral communities, such as Hong Kong and Taiwan. Elevation of China's unitary system to the level of a cultural myth; Reinforcement of the unitary myth by the Marxist-Leninist ideologies; Process on how regionalism on the mainland encourages political federalism; Economic federalism that resulted from decentralization and regionalism.

Examines the tension between real power and the aspirations of liberal constitutionalism and autonomy in Hong Kong after the handover to China in July 1997. Basic constitutional order and its evolving commitments; Assessment of the health of three key liberal constitutional elements; Challenges facing Hong Kong in the implementation of its promised liberal constitutional order.

Considers the transition and handover processes in Hong Kong, China in terms of constitutional development. Discussion on the Hong Kong constitutional order; Fundamental challenges to the constitutional order; Conclusion.

Assesses the economy policy of Hong Kong. Components of the liberal democratic paradigm of the colony; Concerns on the human rights values in Hong Kong; Risks of employing an authoritarian shell in the region; Effect of the confrontation between the business elite and pro-democracy forces in Hong Kong.

Literature suggests that alterations in the inflammatory and immune systems are involved in the pathogenesis of schizophrenia. Specifically, patients diagnosed with schizophrenia exhibit increased IL-18, a pleiotropic proinflammatory cytokine in type 1 T-helper (Th1) responses. The functional 607A/C promoter polymorphism of the IL-18 gene is also associated with the psychopathology of this disorder. However, no current study has explored its role in the clinical symptoms of schizophrenia as mediated through IL-18 levels. We recruited 772 inpatients with schizophrenia and 775 healthy controls in a Han Chinese population and genotyped the IL-18-607A/C polymorphism. Patient psychopathology was assessed using the Positive and Negative Syndrome Scale (PANSS). Serum IL-18 levels were measured in 80 patients and 93 healthy controls. Our results showed that there were no significant differences in the distribution of the allele and genotype frequencies between the patients and controls. Both increased IL-18 serum level and the IL-18-607A/C polymorphism were positively associated with the PANSS general psychopathology subscore and the PANSS total score. Moreover, interaction of increased IL-18 serum level and the IL-18-607A/C polymorphism influenced the clinical psychopathological symptoms, indicating that association of IL-18 level with the PANSS general psychopathology subscale or the total scores was present only among patients carrying the C allele. We demonstrate an association between the IL-18-607A/C variant and clinical psychopathological symptoms in schizophrenia. Findings suggest that the association between higher IL-18 levels and clinical symptoms in schizophrenia is dependent on the IL-18-607A/C polymorphism., (Copyright © 2016 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.)