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Copyright of Studii de Ştiintă şi Cultură is the property of Studii de Stiinta si Cultura and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Humania del Sur: Revista de Estudios Latinoamericanos, Africanos y Asiáticos is the property of Humania del Sur. Estudios Latinoamericanos Africanos y Asiaticos and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The peace negotiations that the ambassadors of Ming China and the representatives of the Japanese leader Toyotomi Hideyoshi (1537-1598) achieved in the 16th century constitute to the most convulsive and complex phase of the greatest war that occurred worldwide during this century. The main objective of this article is to analyze the diplomatic activity carried out within the framework of the warlike conflict called Imjin waeran (1592-1598), drawing on the texts prepared by the European religious who were developing their proselytizing work in the Far East. The study emphasizes in particular an unpublished manuscript titled De cómo vio Taico los embajadores de la China (1596). A set of unpublished data from this text was collected which complements and, to a large extent, refutes the information provided by Asian sources and which allows us to shape a more complete image of said peace agreements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

East Asia is a region divided into two main poles of influence; China and the pro-Western nations led by countries such as Japan. The former being one of the most powerful in terms of political, economic, and military capabilities. Trying to balance power in an ideologically bifurcated context, full of territorial conflicts and opposing hegemonic interests, has been a difficult task for States. It has been argued that the rise of China as an economic and fi- nancial hegemon with solid military capabilities, including the nuclear one, is a matter of concern not only for countries such as Japan. It has also been a fundamental issue for the Asian political agendas of Western powers such as the United States. Considering this, the aim of this article is to analyze the two central security approaches in East Asia and what motivations and objectives States have to rival against each other. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the first half of the 20th century, Japan launched an imperialist project in East Asia that transformed the region in many ways. By means of a historical and comparative analysis, this paper describes the economic activities of the Japanese in that period, directed not only to the mere extraction of resources, but also to the construction of infrastructure, the training of technical personnel and the creation of institutions and long-lasting international links. It also shows how all this was used favorably as a driving force in the industry of the region, and even in cases of economic growth that emulated the "Japanese miracle" after the Second World War. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista UNISCI is the property of Unidad de Investigaciones Sobre Seguridad y Cooperacion International (UNISCI) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper applies fuzzy clustering techniques to developed and emerging economies in East Asia, in order to arrive at an identification of potential subgroups of economies for monetary union. The statistical criteria employed is the one suggested by the Optimal Currency Areas theory, and the period examined includes the recent global crisis. Three alternative monetary anchor countries are proposed, namely the United States, Japan and China, and hence, to an extent, the analysis does indicate the relative importance of the three world's largest economies to East Asia. Due to the endogeneity of the convergence criteria in the eurozone, founding member states of EMU are used as a point of reference for East Asia to indicate the level of preparedness for monetary union in this region. Findings indicate that Singapore and Hong Kong are relatively prepared for integration. In addition, results do also signify the dominance of Japan despite the prevalence of the dollar standard in the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Japan has assumed the concept of human security as a key aspect in its foreign policy, and this country has become one of its great promoters at an international level. This acceptance has been accompanied by an option: while Japan admits the dual aspect of the concept (freedom from fear and freedom from want), it has been leaning toward the aspects that link human security and freedom from situations of extreme deprivation and which make reference to the structural causes that link security and development. This article analyses the evolution of the Japanese conception of human security and its practical application, bearing in mind the context in which it is shaped and developed. It defends the thesis that it is an instrument that responds to the Japanese government's need to provide a response to internal and external pressures for renovation of a reactive, low-profile foreign policy, without altering those elements whose reform could cause negative reactions in the countries of East Asia and a good part of its public opinion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]