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'Creole', or domestically birthed, anticommunisms came in many different flavours and are in need of deeper investigation to understand how they responded to local conditions. This study examines one case from Ecuador where political leaders eagerly manipulated an anticommunist agenda to advance their own partisan prospects in ways that were distinct from the United States government's global geopolitical concerns. Conservatives had their own motivations, which sometimes paralleled with and at other times came into conflict with those of larger political powers. These 'creole anticommunisms' could be more aggressive than those of United States officials, even as they served other purposes. [q]TQ3[/q] [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the current feud between Ecuador between President Lenín Moreno and his predecessor Rafael Correa. Topics discussed include Correa's charges that Moreno was leading the government toward the right, corruption scandals related to the Brazilian construction firm Odebrecht, and a February 4, 2018 referendum on term limits that would prevent Correa from ever running for office again.

The article explores on the military-financial agreement between the U.S. and Ecuador which allow the U.S. military to use the air and naval bases at Salinas and the Galápagos islands for the defense of the Panama Canal. It highlights the struggle of the U.S. Navy to abandon its bombing range that lead to the closure of the military facilities in the island. It also history of global campaigns against foreign military bases wherein the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) agents were engaged in counterintelligence surveillance in Ecuador.

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The article discusses political and cultural conflicts regarding Ecuador's plurinationalism, with a focus on Indigenous Ecuadorans' opposition to President Rafael Correa's decision to appoint Ricardo Ulcuango as ambassador to Bolivia. Topics include foreign minister Ricardo Patiño, social movements advocating participatory democracy, and lifestyles that select sustainability over the commodification of resources. Additional information is presented on economic development, agrarian legislation, and rural populations.

The tradition of intermediaries negotiating conflicts between Indigenous and Western worlds in Latin America can be traced back to the colonial period. Beginning in the middle of the nineteenth century, semiprofessional or petty lawyers known as tinterillos assumed a seemingly ubiquitous presence in rural communities in Ecuador. Often local elites with some education, tinterillos commanded respect among their largely non-literate Indigenous neighbors because of their ability to read, write, and handle documents. These intermediaries commonly exploited their privileged position for their own economic, social, and political benefit. Nevertheless, Indigenous peoples came to rely on tinterillos to petition the government and to challenge landholder abuses. On occasion, rather than feeling disempowered or victimized, Indigenous peoples learned to negotiate these relationships to their advantage. Tinterillos provide a convenient medium through which to examine how power relations were negotiated between different cultures and across deep class divides. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Gonzalo Oleas Zambrano was a socialist lawyer from Quito who, from the 1930s to the 1970s, became deeply involved in assisting rural communities in Ecuador with their legal petitions. Intermediaries have a long and varied history in negotiating relationships between the city and the countryside, and one that is often not well understood. At various points in his career Oleas acted like a tinterillo, a socialist and an indigenista. An examination of Oleas’ petitions quickly breaks down a simplistic characterisation of his actions and interpretation of his motivation. Rather, his ability to transcend existing categories helps explain why rural litigants so often turned to Oleas for assistance. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

In June 1990, the Confederation of Indigenous Nationalities of Ecuador (CONAIE) led a massive uprising against their social, economic, and political marginalization. The protest altered the political landscape of Ecuador and gave that country a reputation as home to some of the strongest and best-organized social movements in South America. Two decades later—this year, 2010—the children of the leaders of that historic uprising continued to lead mobilizations against the government. This time, however, Rafael Correa, whom many saw as emblematic of Latin America's shift to the left, was in power. What explains indigenous protest against a leftist government? Was Correa not a true leftist, as some militants alleged? Or was this yet another example of a white urban left failing to take the concerns of rural indigenous communities into account? Recent developments point to an alternative explanation: Indigenous movements have become more conservative and have discarded a strategy of building coalitions that had brought them so much success in the twentieth century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Conflicts on the Zumbahua hacienda in the highlands of the South American country of Ecuador in the 1930s and 1940s present insights into the nature of rural social relations. Both wealthy landholders and Indigenous agricultural workers experimented with discursive elements as they attempted to draw state authorities to their side. Following their debates also inverts the normal view of power relations. The landholder, General Francisco Gómez de Ia Torre, presented himself as a victim, while his workers used various combinations of class and ethnic discourse to mobilize their base and gain sympathy from outsiders. The failure of government officials to support Gómez de Ia Torre exposed significant cracks in the ruling structures, which Indigenous workers learned to exploit. These conflicts reveal that the Ecuadorian government was not as hegemonic as is some- times assumed; it was an arena of competing projects and interests with political officials often at odds with one another. At the same time, subaltern resistance was also not homogeneous, and divisions between Indigenous workers challenge a simplistic picture of a unified counter-hegemonic dis- course. As a result, state power formed a showcase for many different groups to present and contest their social and economic interests. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the mid-1940s, urban activists in Ecuador played key roles in the formation of two organizations that sought to address persistent problems facing Indigenous peoples, the Federación Ecuatoriana de Indios (FEI) and the Instituto Indigenista Ecuatoriano (IIE). There was, however, very little overlap, communication, or collaboration between those involved in the two organizations. Academics have commonly misinterpreted these organizations, and assigned to communists and the FEI characteristics more appropriate to liberal in -- digenistas who founded the IIE. Surveying the participation of activists in the founding of the FEI reveals that far from white domination to the exclusion of Indigenous activists (as was the case with the IIE), the federation was a shared space where urban and rural activists worked together to struggle for Indigenous rights. Exploring the philosophy and ideologies behind the two groups reveals underlying and ongoing debates over different visions for how to address poverty in rural Indigenous communities in Ecuador. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]