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Many studies have tried to assess the role of both deterministic and stochastic processes in community assembly, yet a lack of consensus exists on which processes are more prevalent and at which spatial scales they operate. To shed light on this issue, we tested two nonmutually exclusive, scale‐dependent hypotheses: (1) that competitive exclusion dominates at small spatial scales; and (2) that environmental filtering does so at larger ones. To accomplish this, we studied the functional patterns of tropical montane forest communities along two altitudinal gradients, in Ecuador and Peru, using floristic and functional data from 60 plots of 0.1 ha. We found no evidence of either functional overdispersion or clustering at small spatial scales, but we did find functional clustering at larger ones. The observed pattern of clustering, consistent with an environmental filtering process, was more evident when maximizing the environmental differences among any pair of plots. To strengthen the link between the observed community functional pattern and the underlying process of environmental filtering, we explored differences in the climatic preferences of the most abundant species found at lower and higher elevations and examined whether their abundances shifted along the elevation gradient. We found (1) that greater community functional differences (observed between lower and upper tropical montane forest assemblies) were mostly the result of strong climatic preferences, maintained across the Neotropics; and (2) that the abundances of such species shifted along the elevational gradient. Our findings support the conclusion that, at large spatial scales, environmental filtering is the overriding mechanism for community assembly, because the pattern of functional clustering was linked to species' similarities in their climatic preferences, which ultimately resulted in shifts in species abundances along the gradient. However, there was no evidence of competitive exclusion at more homogeneous, smaller spatial scales, where plant species effectively compete for resources. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Tropical montane forests (TMFs) play an important role as a carbon reservoir at a global scale. However, there is a lack of a comprehensive understanding on the variation in carbon storage across TMF compartments [namely aboveground biomass (AGB), belowground biomass (BGB), and soil organic matter] along altitudinal and environmental gradients and their potential trade-offs. This study aims to: 1) understand how carbon stocks vary along altitudinal gradients in Andean TMFs, and; 2) determine the influence of climate, particularly precipitation seasonality, on the distribution of carbon stocks across different forest compartments. The study was conducted in sixty 0.1 ha plots along two altitudinal gradients at the Podocarpus National Park (Ecuador) and Río Abiseo National Park (Peru). At each plot, we calculated the amount of carbon in AGB (i.e. aboveground carbon stock, AGC), BGB (i.e. belowground carbon stock, BGC), and soil organic matter (i.e. soil organic carbon stock, SOC). The mean total carbon stock was 244.76 ± 80.38 Mg ha–1 and 211.51 ± 46.95 Mg ha–1 in the Ecuadorian and Peruvian plots, respectively. Although AGC, BGC, and SOC showed different partitioning patterns along the altitudinal gradient both in Ecuador and Peru, total carbon stock did not change with altitude in either site. The combination of annual mean temperature and precipitation seasonality explained differences in the observed patterns of carbon stocks across forest compartments between the two sites. This study suggests that the greater precipitation seasonality of colder, higher altitudes may promote faster turnover rates of organic matter and nutrients and, consequently, less accumulation of SOC but greater AGC and BGC, compared to those sites with lesser precipitation seasonality. Our results demonstrate the capacity of TMFs to store substantial amounts of carbon and suggest the existence of a trade-off in carbon stocks among forest compartments, which could be partly driven by differences in precipitation seasonality, especially under the colder temperatures of high altitudes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An ethnobotanical study of the palms used by the Huaorani in the Yasuní National Park and Huaorani Ethnic Reserve in Amazonian Ecuador was carried out. In this inventory, 37 palm species were found; all were used by the Huaoranis. One hundred and ninety-one different uses were recorded in eight ethnobotanical categories. Most species (64.9%) were used for house construction and human food. More than half of the species were used for domestic utensils (59.4%) and hunting and fishing implements (54%). A comparison is made between these data and past studies for the other six indigenous communities from Amazonian Ecuador. This paper shows the highest diversity of useful palm species and the highest number of different uses ever recorded for an indigenous group in Amazonian Ecuador. The data combine quantitative and qualitative approaches. © 2004 The Linnean Society of London, Botanical Journal of the Linnean Society, 2004, 144, 149–159. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Presents an ethnobotanical study of the pteridophytes used by the Tacana and Huaorani indigenous groups from Amazonian forests of Bolivia and Ecuador. Indication that the only species used by both groups is Cyathea pungens with most of the recorded uses being medicinal; External administration by Tacana for healing wounds, swelling, boils, and as an eyewash; Internal administration by the Huaorani for treating diarrhea, stomach ache, body pains, toothache and colds.

Ethnopharmacological relevance Without an understanding of the geography of traditional knowledge, implementing the Nagoya Protocol and national or regional strategies for benefit-sharing with local and indigenous communities will be difficult. We evaluate how much traditional knowledge about medicinal palm (Arecaceae) uses is unique and how much is shared across (i) four countries (Colombia, Ecuador, Peru, Bolivia), (ii) two cultural groups (Amerindian and non-Amerindian), (iii) 52 Amerindian tribes, (iv) six non-Amerindian groups, (v) 41 communities, and (vi) individuals in the 41 communities. Materials and methods We first sampled traditional knowledge about palms from 255 references and then carried out 2201 field interviews using a standard protocol. Using the combined data set, we quantified the number of “singletons” that were unique to one of the analyzed scales. For the 41 communities, we evaluated how many uses were cited by <10% and by ≥50% of informants. We performed a Kruskal–Wallis test to evaluate whether the number of unshared uses (cited by <10%) differed significantly in relation to the informants׳ gender and degree of expertise, and performed a two-way ANOVA to test for differences in the number of unshared and shared uses accounted for by the five birth cohorts. Results We found that most knowledge was not shared among countries, cultural groups, tribes, communities, or even individuals within them. Still, a minor knowledge component was widely shared, even across countries. General informants cited a significantly higher number of unshared uses than experts, whereas no significant differences were found in the number of unshared uses cited by men and women or by different age groups. Conclusion Our region-wide analysis highlights the geospatial complexity in traditional knowledge patterns, underscoring the need for improved geographic insight into the ownership of traditional knowledge in areas where biocultural diversity is high. This high geographic complexity needs consideration when designing property right protocols, and calls for countrywide compilation efforts as much localized knowledge remains unrecorded. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]