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The article discusses the failed revolution of Egypt in January 2011. Topics discussed include events that led to the revolution, the aim of the revolution to oust Egyptian leader Hosni Mubarak, the failure of pro-democracy forces to establish organization and the Muslim Brotherhood's lack of interest in replacing the old regime of Mubarak with a liberal democracy.

The article examines the soft coup of Egyptian President Mohamed Morsi. It recalls that Morsi realigned the political map of the country without encountering street protests or a military countermove. It is said that the nonreaction of the military suggests that Morsi has influenced certain sectors of the armed forces. The lack of public response is said to have resulted from the views that Morsi is directing the country towards an Islamist dictatorship and that he is restoring true democracy.

The article highlights the low turn-out of voters in Egypt's election despite warnings that those who failed to vote might face a fine and the declaration of Tuesday as an official holiday. Topics discussed include the less enthusiastic election of former military leader Abdel-Fattah el-Sissi, the reasons behind the low turnout such as the boycott by supporters of the Muslim Brotherhood and El Sissi's paramount objectives of crushing the Muslim Brotherhood and rebuilding the economy.

The article discusses the draft constitution of Egypt, that needs to be approved in a popular referendum, expected to take place in January 2014. The document will provide the military with full autonomy and essentially no accountability to democratically elected officials, independence to the police, and protection to its main religious institution, Al Azhar, and ban religiously based political parties. It also provides improved women's rights, freedom of religion, and freedom of expression.

The article analyzes the deterioration of U.S. foreign relations with Egypt and the neutral course of the administration of U.S. President Barack Obama towards the Egyptian government led by General Abdel-Fattah el-Sissi. Details related to the democratic path of Egypt and the democratic ideals of the U.S. are also discussed.

The article investigates the need for U.S. President Barack Obama to clarify America's position toward Egypt, as he is expected to decide whether or not to continue giving Egypt more than 1.5 billion dollars in aid annually. The author justifies why President Obama's best option is not to stop the support and discusses how he can deal with the issue through more modest ways to influence events in a positive light. A discourse on possible scenarios should America cuts Egypt off is also analyzed.

The article focuses on economic strength winning over ideology in Egypt. The ideological divide separating liberals and Islamists in Egypt is presented wherein ideology and, more importantly, the decrease in living standards are suggested as mobilizing the masses. The post-Hosni Mubarak election of the Muslim Brotherhood's Mohammed Morsi in 2012 and the economic collapse prompting the toppling of Morsi by the military is discussed, as well as the economy influencing the course of events.

The article discusses the challenges facing the Muslim Brotherhood brought about by the contests for power following the Arab uprisings. According to the author, the Brotherhood's momentum has slowed down and the path of revolutions could take unexpected turns. She cites the casualties caused by anti-government protests in Egypt, as well as the decision to boycott an election in Jordan. She also addresses the anger over Islamist parties' power grab in Egypt.

The author comments on the anti-Semitic statements given by Egyptian President Mohammed Morsi, a former Muslim Brotherhood leader, via a spate of video clips. According to the author, there is a need for Morsi to repudiate his call for Eygptians to teach their children and grandchildren on hatred for Jews and Zionists. She adds that racist and anti-Semitic statements are not welcome in the post-World War II world. She stresses the importance of Egypt in Arab culture and politics.

The article focuses on the divisions of Egyptian Islamist groups Salafi al-Nour and Muslim Brotherhood. It mentions that the Nour party is split between hardliners and reformers, and party chief Abdel Ghafour was reprimanded after trying to reschedule the internal elections. It notes that the Brotherhood is unofficially divided between the conservative older generation that are wedded to the anti-Western ideology and younger generation that wants Western aid and U.S. relations.

The article discusses the political developments in Egypt. It cites the move by Egyptian President Mohamed Morsi to realign the country's political map that allowed him to have powers similar to those of his predecessor, deposed dictator Hosni Mubarak. The appointment by Morsi of Senior Judge Mahmoud Mekki as vice president was welcomed by several individuals including former judge Mahmoud el-Khodeiry.

The article considers Sinai, the triangle of land on the shores of the Red Sea at the meeting point of Africa and Asia, as the location of some of the transformative events in Egypt. It states that a weekend assault by the Israeli Air Force on Egyptian checkpoints has aggravated the situation in Sinai, where the organized assault involved Bedouin tribesmen, Al-Qaida loyalists and Hamas militants from Gaza, Palestine. An attack launched from Sinai in September 2011 is also tackled.

The article contends that a shift in favor of Iran is unlikely for Egypt, whether it is under military of civilian control. A report from Iranian news agency Fars cited Egyptian President-elect Mohammed Morsi as being enthusiastic about expanding ties with Tehran. However, an Egyptian spokesperson called the report a fabrication. An alliance with Iran would reportedly threaten Egypt's crucial aid from the U.S., and frighten investors from the United Arab Emirates and other Gulf states.

The article contends that the euphoria of revolution in Egypt has been supplanted by a pressure of deciding which is the worse of two bad options in the presidential election. The initial round of voting reportedly left Egyptians with the choice of Mohammed Moris, the candidate of the Muslim Brotherhood, and Ahmed Shafiq, a former general who played a vital part in the revolution. No candidate allegedly embodies the aspirations of the liberal revolutionaries.

The article reports on the reaction of voters in Egypt to the results of the country's presidential election. The May 25 to 26, 2012 elections result revealed that Muhammed Morsi, of the Muslim Brotherhood's Freedom and Justice Party, and Ahmad Shafiq, a former general and former President Hosni Mubarak's prime minister, will face off in the tie-breaking round on June 16 to 17, 2012. The outcome is said to be a disappointment to both liberals and secular activists.

The article reports on the race for the Egyptian presidency in 2012 which became controversial following the decision of the Muslim Brotherhood to enter the race. The Muslim Brotherhood selected Khairat el-Shater as its candidate and automatically took the lead in the presidential campaign. It is noted that the U.S. and Israel did not demonstrate opposition to the move by the Muslim Brotherhood despite talks of conspiracy.

The author looks at the growing sense of despair among liberal Egyptian activists on the attainability of their dream of a liberal, secular and egalitarian democracy in Egypt following the makeup of the Islamist-dominated constitutional assembly in Cairo's administrative court. She comments on the decision of the Free Egyptian Party to withdraw from the assembly. She also discusses the opposition of several top intellectuals against initiatives to turn the country into an Islamist state.

The article looks at the implications of the conflict within the Palestinian Islamist group Hamas for Iran. Hamas leaders are said to be divided between those in exile and those remaining in the Palestinian territories. A Hamas decision to severe ties with Iran would result to the dismemberment of the regional axis of the Islamic Republic, according to the author. The conflict between Hamas leaders Khaled Meshaal and Prime Minister Ismail Haniyah over issues in Syria and Egypt is discussed.

The author shares her views on how the Arab Spring will affect the balance of power in the Arab world. Although Egypt has lost much of its influence, it is the most populous Arab country and has one of the world's largest military forces. Despite being small, Tunisia is known as the birthplace of the Arab Spring. Meanwhile, Saudi Arabia and Bahrain signaled they would fight against pro-democracy protestors.

The article discusses the strategic benefits of a deal between Israeli officials and Hamas organization to release captured Israeli soldier Gilad Shalit. The deal also involves releasing over 1,000 Palestinians from Israeli prisons which is believed to compromise the country's security. The author explains that the deal has a psychological impact on Israeli society. Other strategic benefits include the renewal of the alliance between Israel and Egypt and the Egyptian military's reinforcement.

This article assesses the future of the Egyptian government following the passage of a referendum on proposed changes to the constitution in March 2011. It discusses the victory of the Muslim Brotherhood, militant Salafist groups and former regime supporters for the constitutional amendments and the establishment of a goal to transform the country. It considers the passage of the referendum as a defeat for progressive democrats. The article expects the country to hold parliamentary and presidential elections in 2011.

The article presents a discussion about the future of politics and government in Egypt following the recent revolution. The Egyptians toppled the government because it took for granted their views and priorities. It has been presumed that democracy will be a force in shaping the future of the country. A Pew Global Attitudes Poll in 2010 focused on freedom of thought, religion and expression, which found that majority of Egyptian Muslims want death penalty for Muslims converts.

The article explores the relationship between Hamas and Egypt with respect to the situation in Gaza and how to deal with the Islamic organization that rules the strip. The fact that Egypt is acting in its perceived self-interest, protecting itself from what it views as the potential threat from Hamas and its allies is noted. According to the author, despite the known animosity between Egypt and Hamas, the country manages to preserve the appearance of cordial relations with the Islamist group.

The article offers a look at how the U.S. prepared Arabs for President Barack Obama's anticipated speech at the University of Cairo in Egypt. It is noted that Obama granted more interviews and spoke at greater length than usual, which contributed to the sense of anticipation. The White House also conducted a flurry of diplomatic activity to prime the public's attention.

The article discusses the controversy over U.S. President Barack Obama's selection of Cairo, Egypt for his address during his first 100 days in office. According to White House spokesman Robert Gibbs, Egypt is the heart of the Arab world. The decision indicates that the speech to Muslims is gradually morphing into a speech to Arabs. The government selected Egypt because Cairo has taken a strong position on the conflict between Israelis and Palestinians, and the conflict with Iran.

The article reports on the Israel-Hamas ceasefire in 2008 which came after months of diplomacy by Egyptian officials. There are many reasons to predict the ceasefire's end, chief among them, questions about Hamas' control of splinter groups and pressure in Israel for a tough response to new attacks. Hamas is now committing itself to securing the peace for a limited time and Israel says it will keep its side of the arrangement.