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Sport has traditionally been a hostile environment for lesbian, gay and bisexual (LGB) people. More recently, however, research on a range of British sports has documented a considerable shift toward inclusivity for sexual minorities. Curiously, despite its global popularity, no research has yet measured attitudes toward homosexuality in cricket. By drawing on 12 semi-structured interviews with a club cricket team in the South East of England, we show inclusive attitudes toward homosexuality in sport and society. We also explore how forms of 'banter' among members of the club are complex and multifaceted. Accordingly, we propose that banter in grassroots cricket can be conceptualized into 'inclusionary' forms (incorporating how a close team relationship can facilitate inclusive forms of banter) and 'exclusionary' forms (incorporating jokes which transgress acceptable forms of banter). This research therefore acts as a point of departure for further investigations of the operation of banter across different levels of sport. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: The purpose of this study was to explore human factors as the possible facilitator of cyber-dependent (hacking and malware infection) and cyber-enabled (phishing) crimes victimisation and to test the applicability of lifestyle routine activities theory (LRAT) to cybercrime victimisation. Design/methodology/approach: A mixed methods research paradigm was applied to address the research questions and aims. The data set of Crime Survey of England and Wales (CSEW) 2014/2015 and 42 semi-structured interviews conducted with victims of cybercrime and non-victim control group participants were analysed via binary logistic regression and content analyses methods. Findings: This research illustrated that Internet users facilitated their victimisation through their online activities. Additionally, using insecure Internet connections and public access computers emerged as risk factors for both cyber-enabled and cyber-dependent crime victimisation. Voluntary and involuntary personal information disclosure through social networking sites and online advertisement websites increased the likelihood of being a target of phishing. Deviant online activities such as free streaming or peer-to-peer sharing emerged to increase the risk of cyber-dependent crime victimisation. Research limitations/implications: The binary logistic regression analysis results suggested LRAT as a more suitable theoretical framework for cyber-dependent crime victimisation. Future research may test this result with models including more macro variables. Practical implications: Policymakers may consider implementing regulations regarding limiting the type of information required to login to free Wi-Fi connections. Checking trust signs and green padlocks may be effective safeguarding measures to lessen the adverse impacts of impulsive buying. Originality/value: This study empirically illustrated that, besides individual-level factors, macro-level factors such as electronic devices being utilised to access the Internet and data breaches of large companies also increased the likelihood of becoming the victim of cyber-enabled and cyber-dependent crime. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For many years, United Kingdom governments have instigated urban regeneration schemes. The 1998–2011 New Deal for Communities Programme was designed to change 39 deprived English areas, with regard to place-based, and people-based outcomes. Change data for all NDC areas from a common base-line can be used to establish relative rates of change across these neighbourhoods. Three sets of factors might help to explain why some areas saw more change than others: NDC Partnership-level activities; characteristics of NDC areas; and the wider local authority context. Results suggest that little change can be attributed to the characteristics or activities of NDC Partnerships themselves. This raises questions relating to the ability of regeneration schemes to instigate positive change, the limited nature of people-based change, the perverse role of educational spend and differential change across clusters of deprived areas. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The New Deal for Communities (NDC) programme was one of the most intensive area-based initiatives (ABIs) ever launched in England. Between 1998 and 2010, 39 NDC partnerships were charged with implementing 10-year, locally informed strategies designed to improve conditions within deprived neighbourhoods each accommodating around 9,800 people. More than any other previous English ABI, the NDC programme placed a strong emphasis on informing and engaging the 39 local communities in all aspects of the regeneration process. The programme can be seen as a laboratory within which to assess relationships between community involvement in regeneration and any associated outcomes. Change data indicates that at the area-level there is nothing to suggest NDC areas saw more change than other deprived localities, or that NDCs doing more in relation to the community dimension saw greater change than those doing less. Data showing change for individuals, however, reveals that those involved in NDC activities saw more gains than those who were not involved. This positive individual-level change is not reflected in area-level data because absolute levels of involvement remained essentially low. This was for a number of reasons, some of which relate to the evolving NDC narrative: greater control from central government, diminishing community interest in the initiative, and over-optimistic assumptions on the part of local residents as to what the programme could ever achieve. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The nature, extent, and impact of residential mobility have attracted considerable interest. Little of this work has explored relationships between mobility and outcomes for area-based regeneration schemes. England's New Deal for Communities (NDC) Programme marks a departure from previous regeneration programmes in terms of levels of funding and time span. Evidence suggests that between 2002 and 2006 the thirty-nine NDC areas were subject to complex patterns of mobility, the most important drivers of which were age and tenure. Residents moving out of NDC areas did so for housing and environmental reasons and were less disadvantaged than those who stayed. Those moving into the areas during this period were not more disadvantaged than existing residents. Although there are associations between mobility and outcome change, these are not as strong as might be anticipated and their implications for area-based regeneration policy appear relatively marginal. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The New Deal for Communities (NDC) Programme is one of the most intensive area-based initiatives (ABIs) ever launched in England. Between 1998 and 2011, 39 Partnerships were charged with improving conditions in relation to six outcomes within deprived neighbourhoods, each accommodating around 9800 people. The evaluation of the Programme points to only modest net change for NDC areas and their residents, much of which reflects improving attitudes towards the area, rather than for the people-related outcomes of health, education and worklessness. The Programme's architecture was based on four key principles each of which impacted on change. Community engagement reaped fewer benefits, and proved more problematic, than had been anticipated; working with other delivery agencies was complex, providing less in the way the way of direct financial support than was true for other English ABIs; central government impacted on change through an initial over-emphasis on spending annual financial allocations combined with a later marginalisation of ABIs; and outcome change at the neighbourhood level is anyway largely beyond the control of local regeneration schemes. Nevertheless, there are reasons why area-based regeneration schemes might be pursued, including evidence that individuals benefit from local interventions, even if such effects are difficult to measure. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper addresses the effects of recent political and economic trends on the construction of forensic science in England and Wales. Using documentary sources and fieldwork, I show how neo-liberal initiatives have differentially reconstructed relationships between forensic scientists and the police. I argue that this stems from contested interpretations of scientific integration that have selectively appropriated elements of neo-liberalism. Neo-liberal reform of forensic science has, however, exposed actors to new risks, culminating in the UK Government's announcement to close the Forensic Science Service. Yet, rather than representing the end of ‘marketization’, debates concerning the organization of forensic science have entered a new phase. These hold significant implications for understanding the relationship between crime, science and advanced liberal governance. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The New Deal for Communities (NDC) programme is an ambitious English areabased initiative which aims, over 10 years, to transform 39 deprived neighbourhoods in relation to six outcomes: crime, education, health, worklessness, housing and the community. Data indicate modest programme-wide change against benchmarks. Evidence is used to examine the validity of the programme's four design parameters: a 10-year horizon is necessary to achieve change; holistic regeneration can help to achieve cross-outcome change; working with other agencies and having other overlapping ABIs helps change; and, having the community at the heart of the initiative enhances outcomes. Findings in relation to these design features have wider applicability across area regeneration policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Information about topics discussed during the 2009 Action Learning Conference organized by the Liverpool Business School's Centre for Public Service Management in partnership with North West Employers (NEW) in England is presented. The event was aimed to create a conversation between diverse contributors and participants via presentations, guided discussions, and open spaces. The conference focused on the various issues involving action learning and developmental leadership.

It is now 40 years since the first area-based initiative (ABI) was launched in England. New Deal for Communities (NDC), announced in 1998, is one of the most ambitious of English ABIs in that it aims, over a period of 10 years, to reduce the gaps between 39 deprived areas and national standards in five outcome areas: crime, education, health, worklessness, and housing and the physical environment. Change data from the 2001–05 national evaluation are used to explore three considerations: change across the programme; drivers of mobility; and change at the partnership level. Barriers operating at the neighbourhood, city-wide and national levels have impacted on the implementation of the programme. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is now more than thirty years since the first area-based initiative (ABI) was launched in England. New Deal for Communities announced in 1998 is one of the most ambitious of English ABIs in that it aims over a period of ten years to close gaps between these thirty-nine areas and national standards in five outcome areas of crime, education, health, worklessness, and housing. Evidence gleaned from the national evaluation of 2002/03 helps illuminate trends arid tensions within three themes which have proved central to the wider urban debate: community engagement, partnership working, and the complexity of ABIs. On the broad canvas, evidence from the evaluation suggests that institutional factors continue to impinge strongly on the programme, that the original assumption that partnerships should be given a strong degree of local flexibility and freedoms has been steadily eroded, and that the initiative as a whole sits within that raft of essentially reformist policy interventions effected by the Labour government since 1997. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Explores the scale of community economic development (CED) and the barriers on its evolution in England. Policymakers' perception of the CED as a mechanism that moderates the scale of economic decline; Policy developments that enhance the status and sustainability of CED projects.

Considers the regime formation processes in three deindustrializing cities, Detroit in Michigan and Birmingham and Sheffield in England. Comparative perspective on urban governance; Governing structures and policy agendas of regimes; Shifts in national urban policy and intergovernmental relations.

Examines the relationship between transport investment and urban regeneration in the city of Sheffield, England. Transport investment in Sheffield during the years 1992 to 1996; Operational framework of the study; Impact of the transport investment on urban renewal; Implications for transport policy.

There has been little work exploring the impact of transport investment on economic regeneration at the urban scale. This lack of attention is in part related to theoretical inadequacies and methodological difficulties, not least the separating out and attribution of effects. Such issues were addressed by a major empirical study conducted in Sheffield during the early 1990s. This paper outlines the research methods adopted, which involved breaking down impacts into five thematic areas (image; property; land use; business location and operations; and labour market), and exploring the different mechanisms whereby effects might have become apparent in each. The findings from each of the themes are briefly summarised, the overall conclusion being that, in current circumstances, the impact of transport investment on regeneration is not particularly strong. In a broader policy context, however, the study also pointed to the improbability of securing regeneration benefits from transport infrastructure, given the lack of co-ordination and integration between the two policy areas, and the increasingly fragmented nature of urban governance in general. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Examines the public-private sector partnership called the Sheffield Central Area Study in England within the context of growth coalition and regime theories. Agendas adopted by partners; Public-private partnership as part of the British urban regeneration policy; Issues of power in partnerships; Status of local government; Role of the business community; Impact of a professionalized bureaucracy.

Explores a study by Sheffield Hallam University on the economic and physical impacts of urban transport developments, particularly the South Yorkshire Supertram. Details about South Yorkshire Supertram; Evaluations of primary impacts; Methodologies for appraising public sector transport investment; Evaluations of secondary impacts; Research methodology issues; Measurement of Urban regeneration impact.

The article examines issues emerging from a comparative study of two small and contrasting areas within Sheffield, England with regards to their spatial differentiation in urban employment patterns. It considers factors affecting the decline of manufacturing activities in cities and its impact on investors and non-urban residential and employment locations. Rising urban unemployment have been considered a trigger towards the segregation of the more disadvantaged within the inner cities. Investigations of urban economic and employment change have tended to explore the issue at the metropolitan scale and in relation to the particular regeneration policies adopted by organizations such as urban development corporations.

The article focuses on rebellion leader Thomas Cropmton. He was the son of Thomas Crompton, Sr., a Member of British Parliament. His mother was Mary, daughter of Robert Hodgson, an auditor. He participated in Essex, England rebellion on February 8, 1601. The article presents circumstantial evidence of his presence in the rebellion. In the opinion of the author, in the light of circumstantial evidence, Crompton seems likely have participated in that rebellion and who, as a consequence, was imprisoned for a time at the Counter in Wood.

The article focuses on lawyer and author, Richard Crompton. Crompton came from a family living at Bedford Grange in the parish of Leigh, Lancashire. But the record of the latter's admission as a student to the Middle Temple on April 19, 1553 states that he was the son and heir of Richard Crompton. At the Middle Temple Crompton distinguished himself, he became, among other things, a Bencher and Autumn Reader in 1573 and Lent Reader in 1578. Crompton was a second cousin to Thomas Crompton, who may have participated in Essex's Rebellion.

Relates the impression of the author on the functions of emergency departments after having his wife treated at Louth Hospital in England. Description of the hospital; Threat to the morale of doctors and nurses; Information on the medical practiced of the author.