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Discusses the fall of communism in eastern Europe. Applies Latin America models to eastern Europe. Suggests that revolutions are shaped by the systems against which they are directed. Concludes that the problems of eastern Europe are not caused by the system so much as by geography. Argues that poor capitalism may lie in the future for eastern Europe. (DK)

The dilemma facing the movement toward comprehensive secondary schools is the one that faces all liberal educational reforms attempting to equalize educational opportunities. As long as the structural inequalities of capitalist production and their associated inequalities in adult status persist, the system of schooling must reflect these inequalities. (Author)

The goal of farmers operating in a market economy is to maximize profit. In view of the changing political situation, the main social interest, in addition to food security, should be energy security. Here is a refined version of that sentence: This article examines the production efficiency of selected crops grown in the EU and how well their production can ensure both the economic security of the producers, i.e., the farmers, and Europe's energy security. In addition, it aims to determine which costs incurred in the production process have the greatest impact on productivity. The paper uses data obtained from the Cash Crop agricultural benchmarking database, covering 19 crops and 39 cost categories for each crop. The data (averaged for 2019–2021) came from 30 farms located in 11 EU member states. The DEA method and stepwise multiple regression were used. Research has shown that crops are already being grown in Europe that provide high energy efficiency in production without compromising farm performance (including oats, peas, and winter rye). Moreover, improving the involvement of certain inputs results in improved production efficiency (e.g., through spending on agricultural consulting services). In addition, crop economic efficiency, as assessed by profit with and without subsidies, was found to be strongly correlated with production efficiency. This could indicate that subsidies do not play a key role in farm efficiency within the EU. Crop productivity remains a key factor in achieving economic and energy efficiency. The significance of the findings presented in connection with the recent COVID-19 pandemic and the escalation of the armed conflict in Ukraine has led to renewed interest in EU energy security, i.e., generating as much EU energy as possible for food and non-food production. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Is there only one type of successful entrepreneurial ecosystem? This paper applies qualitative comparative analysis to identify and analyse configurations of regional entrepreneurial ecosystems in Europe. We test two rivalling causal logics: a completeness logic stating that all entrepreneurial ecosystem elements need to be present and the weakest link is the most important constraint, and a substitutability logic arguing that elements are substitutable. High entrepreneurship outputs can be realised with different entrepreneurial ecosystem configurations. However, focusing on regions with the highest entrepreneurship outputs, our results point at the importance of a complete entrepreneurial ecosystem. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores how efficiency—a seemingly universal economic narrative—traverses through the realm of diverse economies via the efforts of Qoin, a Dutch social enterprise specialised in designing alternative currencies. Such currencies in North-West Europe are, by and large, professionally designed and instituted via cross-sectoral partnerships of private enterprises, public sector organisations, and municipalities. Hence for these alternative currency practitioners, corporate standards have become the backbone whereupon ideals, expectations, and visions of society are articulated. This article focusses specifically on efficiency; although central to neoliberal capitalism, the notion is rarely critically examined in anthropology. The ethnography of Qoin's alternative currency provides an instance of how the work of economic alterity becomes entwined with, yet not necessarily co-opted by, logics of market efficiency. What emerges is a different ontology of efficiency: rather than being predicated on values of competition, the social efficiency Qoin aims for means cooperation on various levels. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The growth model (GM) programme in comparative and international political economy attempts to do three things. First, it encourages a dialogue between international and comparative political economy research through creating a shared theoretical framework that moves beyond the methodological and ontological nationalism of traditional comparative research. Second, it draws upon post-Keynesian macroeconomics to emphasise the importance of domestic demand, credit debt, and macro-financial regimes in shaping the politics of advanced capitalism. Third, it draws attention to the dynamics of political conflict, coalition building and social agency in shaping country-specific GMs. Each paper in this special issue either directly or indirectly touches on these different aspects of the nascent GM research programme. But they do so with a particular focus on the comparative political economy of Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Investigaciones Historicas is the property of Universidad de Valladolid, Facultad de Filosofia y Letras and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This essay argues that the international arms trade bound the revolutions in British North America, Saint-Domingue, and Spanish America in dependent relationships. Throughout the colonial era, an informal arms control regime made it impossible for Europe's American subjects to mass-produce war material or buy enough on the open market to equip independence through war. As became clear by late 1776, even the hemisphere's best-connected colonists could not overcome this obstacle. Only the decisions of France and Spain to secretly arm and then openly support the British North Americans made their revolution a success. But as France and Spain would soon come to realize, US independence fatally undermined the early modern arms control regime that had kept independence a practical impossibility in their own colonies. North American merchants became the indispensable arms dealers to the hemisphere's later revolutionaries, first in Saint-Domingue and then across mainland Spanish America. Crucially, though, the United States never offered terms remotely as generous as those it had enjoyed during its own independence struggle. Rather than rely on imperial patronage or republican solidarity, Haitians and Spanish Americans had to navigate a cutthroat market to obtain the tools of independence. That comparative disadvantage would haunt their postcolonial histories. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the past decade we have witnessed the rise of radical left parties (RLPs) in several European countries. According to the prevalent definition in the literature, the key feature of this party family is the goal to overcome capitalism. However, based on content analysis of party and governmental documents, this paper argues that the two most prominent RLPs today, SYRIZA (Greece) and Podemos (Spain), fall short in their socio-economic policies of that definition. Why are they still classified as radical left then? In addressing this puzzle, the paper critically revisits the established notion of the "party family" coined by Mair and Mudde, arguing instead that parties are what they choose to do and should therefore be classified according to their policy. Based on this, it is argued that parties such as SYRIZA and Podemos would be more accurately described as "neo-reformist left," as a sub-type of the social democratic party family. Clarifying the character of these parties is not only important for conceptual consistency. By labelling "radical" parties that are not so, political scientists risk reinforcing the legitimacy of the neoliberal status quo, not the least by excluding from the conversation the actual radical alternatives. This is particularly relevant today, with the resurgence of anti-capitalist ideas among younger generations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This analysis makes an empirical enquiry into urban–rural and regional value differences in Europe. In this task we use the 7th Round of the European Social Survey (ESS) and Eurostat's NUTS-level data and focus on four value orientations derived from the Human Values Scale: Self-enhancement, Self-transcendence, Openness to change and Conservation. Results show that the most distinct urban–rural differences lie in the Conservation versus Openness to change axis. Additionally, Conservation is associated with lower regional gross domestic product (GDP), whereas Self-enhancement, emphasizing a motivation for self-interest and interpersonal rivalry and hence behavioural dimension of capitalism, is positively associated with population density. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This conversation with French-Algerian thinker and activist Houria Bouteldja focuses on her book Whites, Jews, and Us: Toward a Politics of Revolutionary Love. By zooming in on contemporary debates around racism and decolonization in France, this interview focuses on questions of how gender and masculinity, sexuality, class, and race form political relationships within the modern nation-state. In particular, it asks follow-up questions to Bouteldja's epistemology in the chapter "We, Indigenous Women," the chapter that explicitly focuses on women, gender, and sexuality. And while gender and sexuality are always also inherently public, we follow up on tracing how her book, Les indigènes de la république (the movement of which she was the spokesperson from 2005 to 2020), and she herself have been received in French public debate, including in academia, politics and the media. Within the latter power fields, we address the role of women of color intellectuals and the challenges they pose to current debates and "moral panics" through the optics of popular decolonial movements. Eventually, a conversation unfolds where an ostensible "(too) liberal academia" has been marked by contemporary accusations of "Islamogauchisme" in a wider discourse that portrays Europe as being "in crisis" and what that means for the decolonization of Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Southern European countries are widely considered a distinct type of capitalism, but they have experienced a varied growth performance, both over time and across countries. This paper investigates the growth drivers in southern Europe since the mid-1990s. We consider a broad set of potential growth drivers derived from the literature on Mediterranean capitalism and Comparative Political Economy more broadly. On the demand side, these include the role of house prices (as the main financial variable; highlighted in parts of the growth models approach); the 'financial curse' hypothesis (which posits that financial inflows caused house price booms and crowded out manufacturing activities); and Keynesian arguments on the impact of fiscal policy. On the supply side, these encompass the cost competitiveness argument (consistent with mainstream economics and the Varieties of Capitalism approach), research-led technological change; and neo-structuralist arguments regarding the productive capacity. We find strong evidence for the growth contributions of house prices and fiscal policy. While these findings are generally supportive of extant analysis of these economies as finance-led rather than export-led, they call for a more serious integration of house prices in growth model analysis and for a more systematic analysis of the growth impact of fiscal policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The existing critical literature on NGOs operating in the context of European migration has interrogated their involvement in systems of state surveillance and neoliberal governmentality. We supplement this with a critical political economy perspective which reveals the implication of the humanitarian sector in broader systems of capital accumulation. We draw on two related critical literatures, on Racial Capitalism and Relative Surplus Populations (RSPs), to explore the complex role that NGOs, both large and grassroots, serve in managing displaced populations at the borders of Europe. By introducing the concepts of the 'migration fix', secondary exploitation and racialisation, we show how NGOs are implicated, often unwittingly, in the production and management of displaced people as surplus populations, through their dequalification, categorisation and containment. We conclude by exploring the political dilemmas generated by this situation with regard to the practice of NGOs, as well as the possibility for alternative forms of solidarity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In a democratic society, marked by an accentuated individual liberalism, assuming the behavioural indeterminism of each citizen in the concrete way of constitutional manifestation within the society, including through the unrestricted establishment of the option to exercise the subjective civil rights, as well as to determine the mandatory area that intends to assume, the freedom to contract or the autonomy of will, as it is also known, represents a unique and inherent value of personal independence, as well as an indispensable factor for the social and economic progress of each state. Therefore, the contractual freedom is revealed as an institution of civil law, but at the same time as a exigency of economic efficiency and of social progress, a genuine tool for translating the personality of each individual in the conventional-obligatory legal relationships that they outline, as well as a source of adaptation to the particular needs in the way in which the conventional activities are carried on, that is desirable and inherent to a permanently emerging society. Limiting the civil legal relations in some predetermined or rigidly outlined templates, by the rules of civil law, specific to the contractual matter, would constitute not only a source of inhibition in the carrying on and development of the conventional law relations, but it would even be harmful to society, by reducing the private initiative, always aimed at finding new opportunities for action and innovative valences. That is why, the freedom to contract has crystallized as an independent and well-defined institution since the late medieval period, in which the economic and trade relations in Europe experienced an unprecedented advance, and the autonomy of will, in determining the structure and contractual limits, constituted one of the main engines for the evolution of law and a dynamizing tool in the field of the market economy. Therefore, at present, contractual autonomy represents an acquired „good" of the civil law, but whose structural perspectives have experienced a continuous transformation and reinterpretation in the international law, and currently attracts special attention from the Western specialised doctrine, a fact that determines not only the necessity of its reverberant contouring in the Romanian internal law, but also the adjustment of the new dimensions of interpretation to the Romanian legislation. Through the present study, we aim to individualize the principled aspects that particularize this fundamental institution of the civil law and to exhibit the innovative doctrinal standard that enriches the dimensional aspects of this form of individual freedom of constitutional origin. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In his monograph The Redress of Law, Emilios Christodoulidis provides a sophisticated genealogical study of the emergence of total market thinking in Europe. With market constitutionalism having sidelined political constitutionalism, the potential of law to organise the political community is significantly restricted. By examining the commodification of labour, processes of bargaining, unemployment, and strikes, Christodoulidis demonstrates the destructive consequences of law in the service of market rationalities as well as its potential for strategic action to build collective identity in the EU (European Union). Yet, I argue that this book comes with two significant blind spots, namely a dated understanding of both law and labour. First of all, Christodoulidis's systems theoretical understanding of law is neglecting the material conditions that law continuously re-produces in the course of globalization. Secondly, his vision of labour remains rather traditional, focused on unionised, white, and male workers. Both elements are central pillars of his analysis but do not reflect the current reality of the 21st century. In this Article, I challenge his conceptualization by situating his work in recent research on the role of law and labour regulation in global capitalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes efforts to institute professionally designed alternative currencies in European cities as acts of creative experimentation. The alternative currency consultants, or "the Money Makers," experiment profusely with alternative moneys. As such, they have instituted various currencies throughout Europe from the 1990s onward—many of which have been funded by political bodies. Alternative moneys never succeeded in the sense that they never achieved their ambitious goal of creating resilient, localized economies. The article outlines how this rapid rise and fall of currency forms is interpreted by the Money Makers as a positive route of discovery toward a fair economy, an attitude of "failing forward." Never quite successful, never quite finished, never just-right—to fail forward means that failure is not only imminent, it is required to attain success. New currencies are continuously created as reinventions upon themselves and upon capitalist practice. The notion of failing forward is key to understanding the creative design of currency alternatives as carrying within itself not only hopes for the future but also the history of prior forms as well as the current dynamics of neoliberal capitalism. The article argues therefore that creativity, as developing the "alterity" of "alternative economies," is a collective enterprise that is institutionally shaped. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The term "civilization," articulated in eighteenth century Europe, has been widely used in many languages from the nineteenth century to the present. It refers both to widespread societies governed by powerful states in modern times and to prestigious urban and monumental civilizations of ancient times. This essay explores the history of the concept of civilization through science, ideology, and schooling. Scientific exploration of civilization was an implementation of emerging studies in social science. Ideological statement of social priorities appropriated civilization, especially in the era of expanding capitalism, empire, and white supremacy. In the school systems set up around the world, the term "civilization" was included in the curriculum both to explain ancient heritage and the comparison of modern great powers, religious faiths, and cultural practices. Weaknesses in the concept of civilization are becoming apparent as knowledge expands. New factors to consider include the significance of the end of empire; increased attention to network dynamics as well as hierarchies; comparisons of biological equality and social inequality; the roles of commoners and local scales; the rise of global social and institutional structures; shifting balances of societies and regions; and more attention to the historical role of schooling and science. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A widespread rhetoric suggests that market-like rules dominate employment relationships, and particularly compensation, but empirical evidence is inconclusive. This research examines organisations' compensation policies in clusters of European capitalist economies to test such a hypothesis. Four fuzzy clusters emerged from data, namely, Standard, Internalised, Competitive and Incentive, which illustrates a division between organisation- and market-based models. Collective pay rules characterise organisation-based model, and this is the predominant model in all countries except for the liberal market economies. Firms from different models of capitalism rely on internal labour market pay rules, suggesting that the scope of the liberal market system is narrow. Differences within clusters of capitalist economies suggest a role for agency and hidden labour market specificities in each grouping. The similarities of pay policies open room to identifying capitalist economies differently. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Productive Indebtedness. Sewing Machine Work under Capitalism, 1860–1900.This article explores how the largest sewing machine manufacturer in the world – the US Singer Manufacturing Company – entangled seamstresses in contractually regulated credit relationships in German-speaking Europe during the second half of the nineteenth century. The assumption is that Singer not just sold sewing machines on instalments but at the same time established a regime of productive indebtedness that commodified the labour of seamstresses. The first step will be to trace the construction of this regime which consisted of a sales infrastructure, dynamic payment policies, and gendered advertising campaigns. Secondly, it will be shown how the regime aimed to put pressure on contract subjects to be productive by means of payment obligations, distributive control mechanisms, and training offers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of the work is the research and analysis of the European experience of the cultural heritage integration into the regional socio-cultural space at the present stage, including the distinguishing features and types of the Western models of the local municipality. The research methodology is based on the culturological analysis that helps to reveal the distinguishing characteristics of the regional cultural heritage integration model, to justify the social effectiveness of the innovative programs and projects founded on including the cultural heritage as a resource factor of the socio-cultural development of the territory. The descriptive method and sociological approach have been used for a better understanding of the methodology and projects that were developed and implemented in Europe, which allows finding out the character and peculiarities of setting the problem of cultural heritage in modern realities, to highlight the problem of using culture resource possibilities in the context of modernisation strategy of a city or a region. The scientific novelty lies in revealing the distinguishing features and content of the European approach to renovation and integration of the cultural heritage in modern socio-cultural context that is an effective tool of cultural policy in the conditions of a modernised environment, democracy, and market economy. Conclusions. Based on the analysis of the results of the survey, a series of policy documents and the model of Western local municipality, the author has proved that for many Europeans cultural heritage remains an important value and resource of development that functions in healthcare system and integration of culturalhistorical objects in many European countries. Meanwhile, integration of cultural and historical sites with the consideration of distinguishing features of the model of local municipality is more effective and suits modern sociocultural context better than in post-soviet countries. The evidence of this fact is the comprehensive use of heritage site development, the privatisation practice of cultural monuments and the creation of tourists production and brands, the practice of national trusts and founds, subsidies from various sources, projects of state-private partnerships between city/town halls, cities/towns and investment groups, creative clusters, effective inventory and capitalisation of cultural sites beyond the political context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines a body of Yiddish songs published between 1860 and 1890 with the intention of tracing the historical cultural milieu of Jewish merchants in eastern Europe and how songs functioned in their world and how these songs—at times, playfully, insightfully, or ironically—captured it. Behind this inquiry is a larger one regarding the relationship between folk material and historical material. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Fyodor M. Dostoevsky's analysis of the theme of Russia–Europe relations, as well as the nature of Russian society, is replete with concept-metaphors like "people," "national principle," "soul," "spirit," and so forth. These concepts and terms are proposed by the writer himself, and the method of research that is based on this terminology has been present in Russian public consciousness for almost a century and a half now. This creates the illusion that these terms can be used to understand the basic differences between Russia and Europe, particularly their fundamentally different property relations and rights. The writer's answer to the question of difference is as follows: Russia's greatness consists in its rejection of European darkness, and its troubles derive from an inconsistency, from the insufficient firmness of that rejection. This article argues that the reason for the long-term "explanatory power" of these terms used by the polemicist Dostoevsky has been determined by the insufficient development of those economic and political relations that objectively exist in Russia. Thus, the Diary of a Writer still resonates with the reader who is gullible but distant from "strong culture" (V. Kelle) and uninclined to reflection, the reader who never abandons the dreams of Russia's "special path" that would allow it, "in one fell swoop," to escape the difficulties of the modern world. But these dreams never come true, and, contrary to the calls for traditionalism, Russia stubbornly tries to follow the same path as the rest of humanity. The longer this process goes on, the more the explanatory power of political polemicist Dostoevsky's concept-metaphors wanes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Ager: Journal of Depopulation & Rural Development Studies / Revista de Estudios sobre Despoblación y Desarrollo Rural is the property of Rolde de Estudios Aragoneses and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The involvement of the state in the market economy through the redistribution of welfare is necessary for moral and economic reasons. The need for a system of social protection is developed in all advanced states to reduce the 'social risks' of the living standards of citizens. Our research aimed to identify the particularities of the governmental social protection policies in the EU states to be able to compare and analyze them correlatively. The main research tools are the cluster method, followed by the visual assessment of cluster tendency (VAT) algorithm for research results validation, and the Hopkins statistic for checking the spatial randomness of the data. The main research variables are public expenditures on social protection and the human development index for the period 2018-2019. The data were collected from Eurostat and Statista. The research results show that the European states are grouped into four clusters. Based on the research analysis results, the European social policies should be better designed and applied with an increased level of public expenditures to raise the population’s standard of living and reduce the gaps among European citizens. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The interaction between institutional settings and Entrepreneurial Families (EFs) is two-fold. Extant literature has attempted to understand how institutional settings can affect Family Businesses' embeddedness. Both perspectives are complementary and necessary to recognize that EFs are not only locally embedded in their territories, but they are also entrenched in institutions. Despite this, how different institutional settings impact on EFs' local embeddedness remains unexplored. To fill this gap, we combine institutional theory and family business research to perform a qualitative investigation. Drawing on the Varieties of Capitalism institutional categorization, an exploratory study is carried out by including four European regions from countries that are positioned as a Coordinated Market Economy (CME) (Germany), a Liberal Market Economy (LME) (United Kingdom) and two cases of Mediterranean capitalist system (France and Spain). Forty-three semi-structured interviews were conducted across the regions and analysed through an open-coding process. Findings unveil that EFs' local embeddedness is conditioned by different institutional settings in different ways, namely through codified mechanisms (CME and Spain) and through non-formalized mechanisms (LME and France). These are unfolded in 20 mechanisms, which contribute to territorial policies adjustments depending on the category of institutional setting where EFs are locally embedded. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scholarly debates over precarity are gaining unprecedented visibility across fields. From labor insecurity forming a growing dangerous class to the existential condition of vulnerability induced by millennial capitalism, precarity has become an object of both empirical study and theoretical reflection. While European social movements have been organizing and writing about precarity from the late 1970s to today, still, from the US perspective, the term precarity might be mistakenly taken as strictly a scholarly invention. "Precarious Writings" offers an important corrective to the ways that precarity has been taken up in anthropology and cognate disciplines, addressing the specific epistemological and political limitations of existing usages and returning the concept to its overlooked grassroots history in social movement struggles in southern Europe. By returning precarity to these activist roots, this paper makes the case for the recognition of social movements as knowledge producers as well as sources of theoretical insight and innovation in their own right. By failing to recognize precarity's development within contentious struggles, scholarly uses miss how the activist notion enables identity reformulations toward a kind of "precarity pride." That is, the politicization of insecurity has become a source for nurturing a fluid space of political creation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Common Agricultural Policy (CAP), introduced in 1962, is the main European Union public policy to have shaped agro-industrial production, rural life, and landscapes and ecosystems in Europe. At the time of publication of this special issue, I Smallholdings, livelihood strategies and public policies in Europe: the issue of self-sufficiency i , it has become increasingly crucial to rethink the livelihood strategies and forms of production and distribution characterizing small farms and the ways in which these farms are shaped by public policies. CAP subsidies have become indispensable for agriculture-based livelihoods, but their current form tied to agricultural surface size is encouraging farm upscaling and disadvantaging small, peasant-like farmers on the agricultural goods market. In the neo-peasant movement in Catalonia (Spain), the focus is on preserving peasant-like agriculture. [Extracted from the article]

Copyright of Direito da Cidade is the property of Editora da Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro (EdUERJ) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article discusses how Shosana Zuboff's critical theory of surveillance capitalism may help to understand and underpin responsible practice and innovation in mobile journalism. Zuboff conceptualizes surveillance capitalism as a new economic logic made possible by ICT and its architecture for extracting and trading data products of user behavior and preferences. Surveillance is, through these new technologies, built into the fabric of our economic system and, according to Zuboff, appears as deeply anti-democratic and a threat to human sovereignty, dignity, and autonomy. In Europe, the framework of responsible research and innovation is promoted as an approach and a meta-concept that should inform practice and policy for research and innovation to align with societal values and democratic principles. Within this approach, ICT is framed as a risk technology. As innovation in mobile journalism is inextricably tied to the technologies and infrastructure of smartphones and social media platforms, the apparent question would be how we can envision responsible innovation in this area. Zuboff provides a critical perspective to study how this architecture of surveillance impedes the practice of mobile journalism. While the wide adoption of smartphones as a key tool for both producing and consuming news has great potential for innovation, it can also feed behavioral data into the supply chain of surveillance capitalism. We discuss how potentially harmful implications can be met on an individual and organizational level to contribute to a more responsible adoption of mobile technologies in journalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents different models of capitalism with special regard to those occurring in the countries of Central and East Europe after 1989. Next the reasons why in the Vysegrad Group countries, among others, the model of capitalism called peripheral, dependent, imitative or hybrid was shaped and got strengthened. A separate subject of reflections is the issue of further economic development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of PRAKSIS is the property of PRAKSIS and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Assuming that a company's institutional context influences its sustainability approach and its human resources management (HRM), this article compares firms' sustainable HRM systems across countries. Despite the presence of a supranational government, different social models exist in Europe according to the level of social protection in each country. The article compares the engagement of companies with sustainable HRM across Europe and develops an index with which to compare HRM sustainability in countries that present significant institutional differences: Germany, Spain, Sweden, and the United Kingdom. The index is constructed based on a formative measurement model, which reflects the implementation levels of sustainable HRM in 106 western European firms. The index reveals significant differences between companies from the four countries and between liberal and coordinated market economies, indicating the need to address the impact of the national institutional context on firms' HRM sustainability. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Does the EU's Aid for Trade (AfT) initiative contribute to global justice? Complementing work that considers distributive justice, in this paper we adopt the central tenets of the republican theory of non-domination as a regulative ideal for justice in international relations. We evaluate the extent to which the EU's AfT initiative results from reduced political domination in international trade negotiations, and if that then mitigates economic dependency between European and African states. We first provide a qualitative account of the processes that led to the establishment and subsequent development of AfT. We then consider the extent to which the AfT has promoted the reliance of African states on European foreign direct investment (FDI) relative to FDI from other regions (including and especially from within Africa itself) using subnational, project-level, data. Our findings suggest that EU AfT does not reinforce dominating forms of dependency in the international arena, at least when measured by the source of the FDI that it attracts, while AfT is itself an outcome of somewhat less dominating power relations in trade negotiations between wealthier and poorer states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay examines modes of English governance in the trading outposts of seventeenth- and eighteenth-century mercantile capitalism in order to argue for the constitutive role of commercial practices in the shift to the modern forms of governmentality associated with the political liberal state. Reading the different kinds of writing that debated the transformative power of global trade during this time, including fictional travel narratives, economic pamphlets and East India Company factory records, it is possible to discern how values like religious tolerance, cultural relativism and contractual equality were crucial not only for the peaceful carrying out of European trade before colonialism but that such 'European' values were first implemented as principles of governance in some of the trading outposts outside Europe. We can see these practices manifest in the vast theatre of trade involving the Indian subcontinent before the East India Company was in a position to colonise trade routes, resources, land and people through military might. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Economic recessions occur with varying duration and intensity and may entail substantial losses in terms of GDP, employment, household income, and investment spending. In this work, we propose a statistical model for the time intervals between recessions that accounts for the state of the economy and the impact of market adjustments and regulatory changes. The model uses a generalized renewal process based on the Gumbel distribution (GuGRP) in which times between consecutive events are conditionally independent. We also present a novel goodness of fit test tailored to the GuGRP that validates the use of the statistical model for the analysis of recessions. Analyzing recessions in the U.S. and Europe, we demonstrate that the statistical model characterizes well recession inter-arrival times and that the model performs better than simpler, commonly used distributions. In addition, the presented statistical model enables us to compare the adjustment processes in different economies and to forecast the occurrence of future recessions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent elaborations on models of capitalism try to integrate more closely meso-level differences with macro-level theorisation on capitalism as a whole. The specific problems of competitiveness and democracy detected by Soskice in liberal market economies and by Burroni, Pavolini and Regini in Southern Europe stand therefore in a theoretical tension with theories of models' complementarity and of advanced democratic capitalism. A review of the arguments with regard to the role of education and innovation for capitalism and democracy points at the importance of testing trends across models, and of investigating the mutual dependencies between winning and left-behind places not only within models, but also among them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article investigates the potential role of the commons in the future transformation of digital capitalism by comparing it to the role of the commons in the transition to capitalism. In medieval and early modern Europe the commons supported gradual social and technological innovation as well as a new civil society organized around the combination of commons-based petty production and new ideals of freedom and equality. Today the new commons generated by the global real subsumption of ordinary life processes are supporting similar forms of commons-based petty production. After positioning the new petty producers within the framework of the crisis of digital capitalism, the article concludes by extrapolating a number of hypothetical scenarios for their role in its future transformation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Bajo Palabra: Journal of Philosophy is the property of Bajo Palabra: Journal of Philosophy and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In this paper, we argue that the relationship between shareholder conflicts and corporate assets can generate multiple equilibrium configurations that can be helpful to understand how corporate governance systems may change under different historical models of capitalism. These relationships can be modeled as 'meta-complementarities' existing among two different sets of institutional complementarity. The first institutional complementarity arises in realm of the conflicts among different stakeholders and generates multiple equilibria that define different systems of rights on corporate assets. The second institutional complementarity arises between corporate rights and assets. Dispersed shareholders and non-unionized workers are complementary organizational forms and generate a form of corporate governance interacting with complementary corporate assets. A similar set of institutional meta-complementarities characterizes the relation between concentrated ownership, unionized workers and corporate assets. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the writings of social, political, and economic theorist Friedrich Engels on the Irish both in Ireland and England, considering both his published works and his letters and works with his friend Karl Marx. Topics include Engels' relationship with Ireland and the Irish, the impact of Irish immigrants to the British economy after the Great Famine, race and capitalism, links between poverty and morality, differences between industrialized and agrarian societies, and romanticism.

Purpose: Worker-recuperated enterprises have appeared in Europe with increasing frequency since 2008, following the Great Recession that hit the western economies. The purpose of this paper is to depict the phenomenon of worker-recuperated enterprises in Italy, focusing on two different types of business recovery, that of workers buyouts and that of recovered social spaces. The paper compares these on the basis of four analytical dimensions: resilience/resistance, relationship with the market, relationship with the territory and workplace democracy. Design/methodology/approach: The corpus of the research is based on the cross-sectional analysis of workers' narratives. These were collected, within a small sample of theoretically relevant cases, in order to retrace and analyse the path from the crisis of the former companies to establishment of the workers' cooperatives and their social and economic features. Findings: The collected narratives allowed for a multi-level comparison between different types of worker-recuperated enterprises, providing some insights on their emergence, their features in terms of resilience and resistance, their relationship with the market economy and their outcomes in terms of workplace democracy and support to employment. Originality/value: Worker buyouts are gaining ground in Europe as an effective mechanism to oppose the fall of the employment rate in consequence of economic crises. This research intends to offer some data and arguments to the current international debate on the effectiveness of these mechanisms in coping with economic shocks and opening up to a sustainable and cooperative work-driven economy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A growing body of literature suggests that the quality of governance has a significant effect on economic development. Investigations highlight that the quality of government institutions varies substantially in the European Union. These differences raise the question of whether they comply with the various models of capitalism. However, the various approaches of institutional analyses either neglect the role of the state or consider only the welfare function and the extent of state intervention. This article uses the databases of the World Bank and the World Economic Forum to classify the members of the European Union into clusters based on the quality of governance. Cluster analyses find notably clear-cut clusters in both cases. These clusters do not coincide with the usual varieties of capitalism; instead, they indicate a gap between the northern and western vs. the southern and eastern European countries, which is a core vs. periphery division. This gap indicates a long-lasting challenge in the deepening of European integration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims to elucidate the way European capitalists reacted to the long crises of the 1970s through the analysis of the European League of Economic Cooperation (ELEC). It starts by introducing the ELEC as the most representative of European multinationals after merging with a rival transnational network: the European Committee for Economic and Social Progress (CEPES). Then it focuses on its 1975 London Conference where three representative strands of the European model of capitalism presented their views on the crises. All shared the view that the crises represented a structural rupture in the social and political legitimation of Fordism, Keynesianism and the welfare state, which put into question Europe's role in the world. European integration was put forward as part of the solution. A review of four possible scenarios for European integration will be presented in the third section showing the views of a fourth component of European capitalism: Foreign Direct Investors from the USA. The last section will present the way the ELEC reacted to the second oil shock. The article will conclude that European capitalists conceived European integration as an integral element to reform and preserve the particular model of mixed economy and the welfare state in the midst of globalization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]