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This paper provides cross-cultural application of the iceberg model of political extremism1 conceptualizing hate crimes as reflecting the dangerous base that gives rise to mass casualty right-wing extremist attacks. Evidence is reviewed demonstrating that both offenses are motivated by the same prejudices and that right-wing violent extremists are more likely than other extremists to have engaged in pre-radicalization crime.2 This discussion goes beyond previous considerations of the iceberg model by applying it across societies and showing its relationship to democratic backsliding. Comparison of the United States with countries in western and east-central Europe is centered on hate crime and far-right anti-government white supremacist extremism. The importance of recognizing hate crimes as a national security issue3 overlapping domestic violent extremism is demonstrated as are the consequences of current limitations on the availability of data on both problems.4 [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper evaluates qualitative and quantitative evidence of Muslims' European identification in France, Austria and the Netherlands while the far right mobilizes to exclude them from the national culture. In all these states, radical right parties stoked anti-Muslim sentiment during the run-up to the 2016-2017 national elections. The center ostensibly prevailed in each case, but these campaigns further legitimized exclusionary policies toward the religious minority. We assess the difficult political terrain faced by Muslims in Europe, their sense of discrimination, their attitude toward state institutions and their electoral participation. Political parties positioned against multiculturalism and immigration, state-level retrenchment of multicultural policies, and the regularity of terrorist attacks in Europe represent and exacerbate obstacles faced by Muslims in pursuing social, educational and economic progress for themselves and their families. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The European Monitoring Centre on Racism and Xenophobia (established by the Council of Europe in 1997) has warned that anti-terrorism security measures risk disrupting the task of integrating Muslim communities in EU member states.1 Without reliable statistics, the effects of these measures are difficult to assess. Fears of Muslim radicalization and “cultural conflict” can then be exploited to justify just such measures. Despite these acknowledged concerns research on the situation of Muslims in western democracies relies on “mostly 'proxy' data, referring to nationality and ethnicity.”2 The European Commission has initiated an effort toward “the systematic production of harmonized Community statistics,” with a long-term view to improving knowledge of the socioeconomic integration of immigrants and there are moves towards an EU-wide benchmarking system.3 An examination of data on the situation of Muslims in the Netherlands, Germany, France, and Britain provided in this paper finds that these data are neither comparable between nations, nor sufficient to benchmarking “Muslim integration” according to criteria being drawn up at the national and European levels. The data neglect important questions relating to the place of Muslims in European societies, including incendiary problems, such as the tension between Muslim youth and the police, and overlapping inequalities that lead to violent crime. Reference to entrenched national norms surrounding the role of the state in society provides a rationale for those opposed to change to undermine the effectiveness of the EU's “Community Statistics” initiative in tracking and improving the integration of Muslim minority groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]