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This article examines Europe's approach to minilateralism in the security sector and how it influences its Indo-Pacific security policy. It argues that Europe has an ad hoc bottom-up approach to minilaterals in the sense that groups of states take initiatives to address new challenges that are informally coordinated with EU institutions and then tested in practice. If successful in attracting additional member state participation and achieving objectives, these minilaterals are transformed into EU policies. This approach has not only been used within Europe to establish initiatives such as Permanent Structured Cooperation in defense, but also in the Indo-Pacific with France and Britain initiating freedom of navigation operations in the mid-2010s to create a maritime security footprint for Europe that is now formally recognised as part of the EUs Indo-Pacific strategy. It is argued that the European approach is effective in testing the viability of a new policy on a small scale and then slowly build a constituency of supporters that is large enough to obtain approval at EU level. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This introduction to the thematic cluster "Who Cares for Families? Narrative(s) of Return in Postsocialist Europe" identifies and analyzes its core concept—the narrative of return. Families of today are talked about differently, and how they are narrativized matters. The narrative that stresses that family is under threat and in need of defense or a special form of care, figuring care as restitution of the natural, traditional, or proper family, is termed the narrative of return. The trope of return is strongly normative and non-descriptive, as it relies on mythical temporalities that ought to be restored in our present. The article first defines the choice of concepts—narrative, return, care, and threat. Second, it applies this conceptual frame in the transnational context, particularly within the transnational anti-gender campaigns in the populist moment. Third, it focuses on the postsocialist part of Europe, where, as the entire thematic cluster aims to demonstrate, the narrative of return has gained particular currency. In eastern Europe, these narratives are integral to larger projects of restoration of national agendas and serve as a tool of double emancipation: from the Soviet past and from the present European Union. Political actors using narratives of return advocate and successfully push through fundamental changes in the political frameworks and value systems of the postsocialist countries. In sum, the introduction aims to demonstrate the conceptual background of a political tool. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article traces the leisure travel of British homosexual men in continental Europe between 1950 and 1975. The aim of this article is to challenge narratives of British post-war sexual rights discourses as isolated from continental Europe. Taking a transnational approach, which examines the ways in which Britain was embedded in processes of social and cultural change across Europe, it charts informal encounters and networks of cultural communication forged by homosexual men themselves during the post-war tourist boom. Using Oral Histories deposited at the British Library Sound Archive, I emphasize the role of homosocial spaces in the production and performance of the sexual self and establish how affluence provided access to spaces for sexual self-development during a period when homosexuality remained criminalized in Britain. It explores two distinct types of holidays taken by homosexual travellers, examined via a life writing approach—the Amsterdam city break and the southern European beach holiday—and shows how these experiences shaped their self-conception and hopes for a more tolerant society at home. In revealing how foreign forms of homosexual sociability influenced domestic politics, I argue for a stronger emphasis on British entanglements with continental Europe when tracing political and social transformations during the post-war period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Public–private partnerships are subject to intense scrutiny. This is specifically the case for sensitive health-related topics such as alcohol consumption. The brewing sector and representatives of the scientific community therefore stressed the need for specific principles for the proper and transparent governance of research and other collaborations between the brewing sector and research entities. At a 1-day seminar, a group of scientists and representatives from the brewing and food sector reached a consensus for such principles. They adhere to the following four fundamental conditions: Freedom of research, Accessibility, Contextualisation and Transparency. The points of focus in the FACT principles are open science, meaning that the methods and results are made accessible and reusable, and relationships are clearly disclosed. Actions to be taken for dissemination and implementation of the FACT Principles are, for instance, publishing them on public websites, including them in formal research agreements, and citing them in scientific publications. Scientific journals and (research) societies are encouraged to support the FACT Principles. In conclusion, the FACT Principles provide a framework for increased transparency and control of funding-related bias in research and other collaborations between the brewing sector and research entities. Monitoring their use and evaluating their impact will help to further refine and enforce the FACT Principles in the future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

To begin, recall the charges Skorupski levels against Kant's ethics. Worse, Kant's decision to treat feelings as phenomenal implies that they are not "responsive to reason", removing yet another way of bringing content to Kant's formalism (102). Finally, following Kant, Smith, Fichte, and Hegel, it must view rights as an irreducible source of impartial practical reasons (336). But Kant does not say - and Skorupski offers no evidence that Kant says - that all nonmoral, special, or particular interests of the agent are heteronomous. [Extracted from the article]

Tolerance has long been identified as a crucial feature of liberal democracies. Although the limits of tolerance are debated, the extent to which citizens are open and willing to accommodate others who are different from them is often regarded as a sign of a healthy and well‐functioning liberal democracy. The goal of this paper is to empirically investigate the state of political tolerance in Europe today. The main questions we ask are: What explains the different levels of tolerance across individuals in various countries? Which groups in society are the most likely targets of intolerance? We understand political tolerance as the willingness to allow the free articulation of interests and ideas in the political system of groups one opposes. Previous research emphasizes education, civic activism and threat perceptions as important determinants of tolerance. We redirect the debate to a set of novel correlates of tolerance. We argue that conspiratorial thinking and cosmopolitanism are critical factors that explain levels of tolerance among Europeans. The analysis employs original survey data collected as part of a mass survey conducted in 2017 in 10 European Union member states: Czech Republic, France, Germany, Greece, Italy, the Netherlands, Poland, Portugal, Spain and the United Kingdom. Our descriptive analysis shows that far‐right groups (i.e., fascists and neo‐Nazis) and Muslims are the most disliked groups in Europe. When it comes to the level of tolerance towards these groups, we find that more than half of the respondents in each country are willing to deny their most disliked group parliamentary representation. Moreover, we find that even after controlling for traditional determinants of tolerance, conspiratorial thinking and cosmopolitanism emerge as the most important predictors of political tolerance. Our analysis suggests that the recent rapid spread of various conspiracy theories related to the COVID‐19 pandemic is likely to have far‐reaching implications for tolerance as well. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Aim: We aim to assess the effects of the COVID‐19 pandemic on self‐reported health and quality of life among family caregivers of children with disabilities across Europe. Design: Cross‐sectional study. Methods: Data from the survey by the Eurocarers and IRCCS‐INRCA were used. The data were collected between November 2020 and March 2021 from 16 European countries. Data analysis was done using regression analysis to identify family caregivers' self‐reported health and well‐being predictors. Results: This study included 289 caregivers. The mean age of children was 12 years. Their family caregiver's mean age was 44, and they were mainly women. Experience of lack of freedom predicted family caregivers' poor self‐reported health and quality of life. Children's interrupted health and social services also predicted family caregivers' poor self‐reported mental well‐being. Longitudinal evidence on the pandemic's effects and a diverse view of family caregivers of children with disabilities are needed to plan effective post‐pandemic health services and nursing practice. No Patient or Public Contribution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This comment examines the definition of 'media' under the recently-proposed European Media Freedom Act (EMFA), and highlights its potential flaws, while pointing to possible considerations for future improvement. Notably, the narrow service-based approach to defining 'media' under Article 2 EMFA appears to be in conflict with the functional approach to defining media under European and international human rights law. Additionally, a lack of transparency and safeguards regarding how the criteria of 'editorial independence' is to be assessed, especially under Article 17 EMFA, is problematic. The risk that such decisions are made based on commercial and/or political considerations rather than established standards of media freedom must be avoided, especially when platforms are to assess editorial independence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Among the Spanish intellectuals of the XX century, a woman of thought and action stands out. A philosopher committed to the defense of freedom and involved in the transformation of the exercise of power: María Zambrano. He did not underestimate any of the means at his disposal for the formation of citizenship,ethical awareness and cultural dissemination, with the noble desire to operate the humanization of society. He went from the analysis and reflection on the exercise of politics, to direct collaboration with the power in the government of the Republic in cultural and humanitarian positions. Her powerful intellectual contribution influences the revision of thought and opens up new perspectives, helping to modify the image of women in Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The new rules on data recently proposed by the European Union are offering a change of focus on the European regulation of data in Europe in the last few decades. Formerly, the focus of legislative activity was almost exclusively on the protection of citizen's rights. The European regulations that are currently being approved now focus their efforts on maximizing the value of digital data as an essential asset for the digitization of Europe. The current legislative proposal is to encourage the use of data due to the significant contribution they can make to the economy and society in the region. This balance between the protection of rights and freedoms and the increasing promotion of data sharing and the creation of a European data market represents a key legislative challenge for the European Union. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Historia Constitucional is the property of Revista Historia Constitucional and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The overall aim of this article is to make a theological case for Ukraine's integration into the European family of nations. I build this case by pursuing two primary lines of argument: firstly, by demonstrating the implausibility of the common assumptions (held by many Ukrainian Christians) that Russia is more 'spiritual' and 'Christian' than 'secular' and 'godless' Europe. Secondly, I seek to make a positive case for why principles, such as human dignity and human rights, cultural diversity, democracy, justice, fairness, equality and the rule of law, are much more appropriate indicators of Christian values than nominal allegiance to religious institutions among a certain population. This article is divided into three parts. Part One identifies and critiques the salient features of the "Holy Russia" myth with illustrations drawn from various representative figures. Part Two is devoted to the defence of the European tradition in which I advance the counterintuitive argument that secular liberalism is more in continuity with orthodox Christianity than Christian nationalism. In Part Three, I apply these general points to the specific issue of Ukraine and its fate as a European nation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The First World War in 1918 was considered as a manifestation of much deeper changes that had taken place in Europe since the turn of the 18th and 19th centuries. This development could be evaluated differently. The thesis will present the perspectives of two prominent Czech intellectuals - Tomáš Garrigue Masaryk and Karel VI. Schwarzenberg. It will be shown how these two different, but in many ways similar personalities viewed the issue of freedom under the impression of more general social and political development in postwar Europe. Therefore it will be important to answer what was their ideal of freedom, what role freedom play, according them, in the life of individual and society and how it can be best secured. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Herder's 'Neger-Idyllen', Kleist's Die Verlobung in St. Domingo, and Caroline Auguste Fischer's William der Neger offer an exploration of the intersection between race and colonialism in the Atlantic World and in Europe around 1800. Teaching students to read depictions of race, violence, and struggles for emancipation does not only engage with the fraught legacies of the Enlightenment, but, practically speaking, it is also an exercise in suspicious reading. Herder's anti-imperialist and antislavery poems end with an uneasy negotiation of paternalism. Kleist's novella provides a racially biased narrator, who limits access to the thought processes of non-white characters. Fischer's short story moves towards upholding an ideal of emancipation, but recoils from its corollary of revolutionary violence, and crafts two images of its protagonist that cannot be reconciled: one of internalized self-hatred, based on racial identity, the other, of a Christ-like saviour for oppressed peoples. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Persecution and Toleration offers a novel and superb analysis of the birth of religious freedom. Rather than seek an ideational account of the rise of religious freedom, Johnson and Koyama investigate changes in the institutional environment that governed the relationship between religion and the state. These changes made it in the interest of policy makers in modern Europe to grant greater religious freedom by transitioning from identity rules to impersonal laws in maintaining order. The book introduces a new thought-provoking conceptual framework that can be extended to examine the complicated history of the state's interaction with religion, comparative analysis of the relationship between state capacity and political legitimacy, and various other issues concerning the treatment of minorities and heterodox practices around the world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Welfare states in Europe are facing major challenges today. Some have even announced the end of the welfare state. By contrast, civil society has been assigned a greater share of responsibility in these states. The key challenge is to balance divergent interests, or at least to provide approaches that enable learning to live with these conflicting interests. Thus, civil society plays a great role for welfare states in Europe. There are many opportunities for citizens and civil society organizations in Europe to voice their opinion and participate in the processes of policy making in order to strengthen freedom and democracy as a guarantee that the welfare state will be run well. Freedom and civil society are two sides of the same coin. This can be illustrated by developments in Eastern European and Western countries. While civil society in Eastern European countries is primarily characterized by its striving for political rights, particularly during the transformation process (freedom from authoritarian suppression), in the Western European states, civil society organizations primarily focus on representing societal interests and engaging in and providing relevant services for modern societies (freedom to achieve social improvement). The authors argue that these two roles of civil society are closely interlinked: If civil society succeeds in enforcing the rights of citizens, it must then be determined how it can continue to pursue its goals in an organized way. As part of this transformation process, civil society has a great potential to stabilize European welfare states. It provides a variety of approaches as to how welfare states can negotiate diverging, or even conflicting, interests, or rather how public and civil actors can live with these differences. This chapter aims to illustrate the linkage between the two functions of civil society and points out the resulting chances and challenges. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Napoleonic post-war era is considered a period of restoration, yet recent works have delivered fresh insights, which suggest to fundamentally re-evaluate and reconsider the first half of the 19th century in Europe. Particularly the role and the agency of members of the rising middle-classes in the rebuilding of imperial rule all over Europe appear to necessitate an update in the light of newer research. When a quarter century of war destroyed centuries-old social fabrics, securities and certainties, it was particularly well educated members of the middle-classes, who became the most valuable allies of imperial rulers in their project to rebuild their empires. However, what was sold as a "restoration" to contemporaries and subjects frequently realized large-scale, knowledge-driven modernization projects, which centralized administrations, put rulers into stronger positions and marginalized older social elites. Yet, with the middle-classes and their education, ideas of enlightenment and emancipation entered the centers of calculation of imperial rule, which triggered an ongoing process of negotiation between rulers and their new, bourgeois imperial intermediaries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Data protection laws, including the European Union General Data Protection Regulation, regulate aspects of online personalization. However, the data protection lens is too narrow to analyze personalization. To define conditions for personalization, we should understand data protection in its larger fundamental rights context, starting with the closely connected right to privacy. If the right to privacy is considered along with other European fundamental rights that protect information and communication flows, namely, communications confidentiality; the right to receive information; and freedom of expression, opinion, and thought, these rights are observed to enable what I call a "personal information sphere" for each person. This notion highlights how privacy interferences affect other fundamental rights. The personal information sphere is grounded in European case law and is thus not just an academic affair. The essence of the personal information sphere is control, yet with a different meaning than mere control as guaranteed by data protection law. The personal information sphere is about people controlling how they situate themselves in information and communication networks. It follows that, to respect privacy and related rights, online personalization providers should actively involve users in the personalization process and enable them to use personalization for personal goals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article explores the intelligence and security agendas in the European Union (EU) region. Topics discussed include the cooperation between intelligence agencies and law enforcement to ensure the maintenance of area of freedom, security and justice (AFSJ) policies in the region, the development of a Permanent Structured Cooperation on defense by EU member states, and the establishment and objectives of the Intelligence College in Europe (ICE).

The complex web of intellectual exchanges between Britain and Europe remains a peripheral concern for historians interested in the circulation of ideas across national, international and imperial frameworks. This special issue attempts to fill the lacuna by presenting new research on the triangular relationship between Britain, Europe and the idea of liberty during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. The articles featured in this issue revisit established narratives, discuss novel case-studies and address the question of Britain's special relationship with liberty in an age marked by impediments to the freedom of movement and the erection of nationalist boundaries across Europe, and the world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the relationship between Churchill's view of Britain as the home of freedom and his broader conception of Western/European civilization. It considers: first, his attitude to Classical learning and culture; second, his experiences of European travel; and third, his attitude to the Bolsheviks (as much as the Nazis) as the barbaric antithesis of civilization. It is argued that his vision of the European future was linked both to his own experiences of free and civilized travel in the Nineteenth Century and a growing scepticism about the speedier and more globalized locomotion of the Twentieth. Moreover, Churchill's late-life commitment to the virtues of Classical learning, about which he had previously been sceptical, was connected to his post-WWII enthusiasm for European unity. He believed that a united Europe could act as a vehicle for spiritual and cultural values passed down from the ancient world which themselves had become a part of the continent's Christian heritage. Although it has rightly been pointed out that Churchill was not a conventional religious believer, he still conceived 'Christendom' as a significant geopolitical space (with flexible boundaries) and he saw it as the spiritual inheritor of Greece and Rome. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Transformations in Business & Economics is the property of Vilnius University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This study examined the associations of personal value priorities and country-level personal freedom with individuals' preferences to seek health advice or treatment from either conventional medical experts (doctors) or practitioners of complementary and alternative medicine (CAM). Data came from the European Social Survey round 2 (14 countries, N = 21,810) and round 7 (12 countries, N = 20,903). Valuing conservation (vs. openness to change) was positively associated with preferring to consult doctors and negatively associated with preferring to consult CAM practitioners and the use of CAM treatments. Valuing self-transcendence (vs. self-enhancement) was positively associated with CAM use. Living in countries characterised by a higher level of personal freedom was negatively associated with preferring doctors' consultations, and positively associated with preferring CAM practitioners and CAM use. The results highlight the importance of considering individual-level motivational factors and context-specific factors when aiming to understand healthcare utilisation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Challenges of the Future / Izzivi Prihodnosti is the property of Fakulteta za Organizacijske Studije v Novem mestu and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The "left populism" that is currently emerging in Southern Europe conceives of itself as anti-capitalist. But its primordial concept is no longer that of social class; it is that of "the people." In the view of this current, the social-democratic and socialist parties have for the most part been absorbed by the right, so that henceforth, a popular strategy cannot consist of "rallying the left against the right," but only of "rallying the people against the oligarchy." We are hardly even permitted to use the concept of the "left" to denote a progressive perspective, and as the struggle for emancipation simultaneously confronts capitalism, sexism, and racism, it can no longer be supported by a traditional "party-form" such as a worker's organization, but only by a more comprehensive and flexible "movement-form." Here, an attempt will be made to define the conjuncture in which the phenomenon of "left populism" has appeared, to outline its ideological constructs, to situate it in the context of the modern class structure, and finally to draw some conclusions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social‐cultural and economic‐hierarchical ideological attitudes have long been used to explain variation in political partisanship. We propose two additional, stable attitudes (political cynicism and ethnic prejudice) that may help in explaining contemporary political alignments. In a Belgian (N = 509) and Dutch sample (N = 628), we showed that party support can be segmented into four broad families: left, libertarian, traditionalist, and far‐right parties. Both studies revealed that social‐cultural and economic‐hierarchical right‐wing attitudes were negatively related to left party support and positively to libertarian, traditionalist and far‐right support. Importantly, additional variance was consistently explained by political cynicism (lower libertarian and traditionalist support), ethnic prejudice (lower left support), or both (higher far‐right support). Study 2 additionally demonstrated these patterns for self‐reported voting. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article establishes how the pioneering feminist Emilia Pardo Bazán sought to introduce to the Spanish public John Stuart Mill’s polemic The Subjection of Women. It does so by examining the Biblioteca de la Mujer series, the publishing project Pardo Bazán established in 1892 to spread awareness of the growing moves towards female emancipation in Europe. It looks at the frame provided by the other volumes in that series and their efforts to re-establish the claims of Spanish women to prominence in the nation’s cultural imaginary. The discussion then focuses in detail on the text of La esclavitud femenina, the title given to Mill’s tract in Spanish, and on the questions of authorship that surround the text. Particular attention is paid to the subtle amendments incorporated into the translation to strengthen its feminist case and also to attenuate its potentially controversial aspects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Traditionally it is believed that the birthplace of the jury trial creation is England, but the issue of the birthplace location of this particular form of popular participation in the criminal justice administration is not yet fully resolved by the historical science. The continental lawyers were particularly interested in the jury trial among other institutions of English law, in which the English themselves identified the stronghold of the country's law and order, its political and civil freedom. It is not difficult to see that the main role was not played by the judges, but by the community representatives in this form of justice administration. Since then the community has been gaining more and more importance in England as a state body in the matter of justice administration, and the initial forms of its activity have being further developed in this direction. This works investigates roots of jury trial by basing on such methods as historical, systemic, formally logical, concrete-historical, comparative legal analysis method. The authors, in turn, come to the conclusion that the jury trial has its roots still in the Ancient States, but the classical modern model owes its origin to England. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article states that the social movement that emerged in Romania in 2012 is part of the global anti-austerity movement. It proposes the movement's analysis in the key of Karl Polanyi's theory of double movement, portraying it as a countermovement opposing the third way of marketization, which involves commodification through dispossession of access to water, land, air and other free public goods. The articles shows how the movement, which started as an antisystem protest articulated a series of claims that contested the post-communist consensus and revealed some fundamental conflicts of the society, obscured and mystified by the dominant power structures. It demonstrates that the social movement's anti-system agenda had a powerful repoliticization potential and announced a new discursive regime challenging the hegemonic discourse, which uses depoliticization tactics for maintaining the existing power structures. The article describes how in parallel to the anti-system discourse the social movement accommodated an anti-governmental narrative that became dominant in the most recent protests of 2017, diminishing the repoliticization and, thus, the emancipatory potential of the movement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the subject of socialism, discussing its ending during the post-1989 era in Europe and impact on the working-class emancipation, economic transformations, and political structure. The idea of Eurocommunism emerged in the 1980s in the Left political party that resulted into the fall of the support and the collapse of the Soviet Union. A new phase came up with the Trotskyist parties and New Left groups giving rise to peace, feminist, and ecological movements.

The article offers a correction of the widespread approach in which in the studies of Romani movement for civic emancipation are examined only its international dimensions, leaving behind its origin and first stages, which occurred in individual countries. Based on the research of historical sources we will show the commencement and roots of the Romani movement. The departing point of the research presented in this article is the circumstance that Roma are not a hermetic social and cultural system. They exist in two dimensions, both as separate ethnic communities and as a part of the macro-society in which they live within the respective nation-states. Together with members of the macro-society they experienced breakdowns of old Empires and the establishment of national states. Under the conditions of historical turbulences in the period between two World Wars, Roma developed aspirations for civil emancipation, started to be civically engaged and politically institutionalised. On the basis of archival and media sources the article introduces the first manifestation of civic activities of Roma in an attempt to pursue their ethnic and community rights and their visions about their place in society and the future of their nation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents the author's views on Europäische. Menschenrechtskonvention (EMRK) or European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR), a catalog implemented by the European Court of Human Rights for promoting fundamental and human rights. Various topics discussed include conformity, laws related to it and restrictions imposed on human rights freedom.

My article takes Robert Burt's piece as a starting point to highlight how a lacanian analysis of law differs from the one Robert Burt (rightly) rejected and from the alternative psychotherapeutic scenario Burt develops. I focus on what I consider to be the novel characteristics of a lacanian analysis, particularly its insistence on the castration of the human subject by language, a castration that problematizes our understanding of "freedom" and "free speech", and, in turn, on Law's own castration. The gradual peeling away of the claims made on behalf of the subject by ego psychologists, enables us to arrive at what a lacanian analysis would ideally uncover, that is the subject's extimate core. I illustrate this with the film The Act of Killing, a documentary which displays not only the extimate core at the heart of the subject but the extimate as the Law itself. The encounter between law and psychoanalysis, I conclude, far from leading to mutual understanding, leads to the dissolution of the analysand's pretenses, and, in turn, to the withdrawal of psychoanalysis from the scene altogether. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The current travails of Europe's social democratic parties can only worsen if they fail to respond to the digital revolution's impacts on the labour market, society, and even their core values. Henning Meyer discusses how new approaches to policy can ensure that human freedom, justice and solidarity can thrive alongside the robots. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In two recent judgements, the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) has given an alarming signal regarding the placement, care and treatment of mentally disordered offenders in Belgium. This article analyses these judgements and the Court's assessment that Belgium faces a structural problem regarding the detention of people with a mental illness in prison. By exploring other recent ECtHR decisions across the EU and combining this with an analysis of international norms and standards, it contends that there is something amiss regarding the post-trial approach towards mentally disordered offenders in an EU-wide context. The potential hazards of this situation, from both an individual and an EU perspective are then presented by analysing the EU Framework Decision on the transfer of prisoners (which aims to facilitate offender rehabilitation) and the EU Court of Justice's interpretation of the relationship between instruments like the Framework Decision that are based on mutual recognition and fundamental rights. Lastly, the EU's initiative for enhancing procedural rights in criminal proceedings through the Roadmap trajectory, and the subsequent Commission Recommendation of 27 November 2013, are scrutinized. Based on this research, the article pinpoints the flaws and vacuums that currently exist for mentally disordered offenders, and the negative outcome this may have on the legitimacy and effectiveness of the European Area of Freedom, Security and Justice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article talks about the importance of Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) adopted by Ukraine for maintaining security, crises and post-conflict rehabilitation, wherein it also holds regular conferences to discuss the human rights and fundamental freedoms in the OSCE.

Migration is not a new phenomenon, neither for Europe, nor for the entire world and it exists since the beginning of mankind. Over time, this kind of international mobility generated many opportunities, but many challenges as well. Being an extremely important and complex phenomenon, both in economic terms and mostly from the social perspective, mass emigration has never been more intense as nowadays. Together with this particular complexity, the intensity of the migration phenomenon reveals each individual's profound freedom desire, but also the acute need to ensure a better future for himself and especially for his family. Currently, an ever increasing number of individuals migrate in search of a better place, changing regions, countries or even continents. Witnessing the events that transcend the people all around the world, we consider that migration generates economic, social and cultural, but also political profound changes. These major changes require the involvement of the political actors, namely the governments, in creating a favorable and reliable framework so as the society and decision makers to understand that immigrants represent an opportunity for the emerging economies and not a phenomenon that should be criticized. In this paper we aim to follow the theories regarding the migration process, as well as the changes it generates, taking into consideration that of the 507 million current inhabitants of the EU, approximately 20 million are from countries outside the EU. We consider this research to be underlain, taking into consideration that regardless of the form it takes, in Europe immigration is and will remain a difficult to manage reality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues that a fundamental antagonism between democracy and nondemocracy organises lay thinking on global issues. We review key findings of a long-standing experimental research programme that examined the ' Democracy-as-value' hypothesis across a variety of political and social contexts. This hypothesis contends that democracy is an ideological belief system that provides value to democratic individuals, groups, and institutions and thereby grants legitimacy to their actions. Based on procedural justice theories and social representations theory, we contend that western lay perceivers associate democracy with procedural equality and individual autonomy, whereas nondemocracy is associated with ingroup hierarchy and conformity. We discuss how idealised representations of democracy justify global power arrangements and emphasise the paradoxical justification function of democratic values through which nondemocratic forms of social regulation based on physical force are legitimised with the very democratic norms that call for peaceful resolution of conflicts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]