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With internationalization now an imperative for institutions of higher learning around the world, this article examines the specific case of how France's elite engineering and business schools, known as the grandes écoles, have taken on this challenge. Mobilizing work on organizational allomorphism and the "glonacal" approach, this article proposes rethinking the ways in which these different scales are interlinked, and, to this end, using the national position of these establishments as a starting point for understanding their internationalization. The national position may be thought of along three dimensions: material, symbolic, and geographic. By analyzing national press rankings and mobilizing a study of two schools located in the same geographic area, this article will demonstrate how these schools approach internationalization from their national position, as well as from the highly specific category of French grandes écoles in which they operate, showing how internationalization reinforces existing competition, rather than creating it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The yellow vest movement in France was triggered by a fuel tax increase. The increase was designed to reduce petrol consumption and hence emissions. However, the costs of this policy were unequally distributed among citizens. The yellow vests illustrate that abstract support for public action against climate change is not enough to secure support for concrete policies. These policies run the risk of being opposed by citizens when their costs are unevenly spread across society. Through a survey experiment on Norwegian citizens, we analyse how different policy characteristics generate 'support gaps' within society. Particularly, we contrast two stylized profiles: 'urban élites' (high-educated urbanites) and 'yellow vests' (low-educated ruralites). We find that opposition rises with the individual cost of the policy but in a non-linear way. Environmental earmarking and invoking personal responsibility widen the gap between yellow vests, urban élites, and the rest of society. Redistribution to low-income households and invoking international commitments help to bridge such gaps. We argue that, instead of focusing on aggregate levels of support, both policymakers and academics should rather pay attention to the polarizing effects of certain policy attributes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Inequalities in access to elite higher education institutions are central in the horizontal dimension of social stratification in higher education. Previous studies have consistently shown large social inequalities in access from French "grandes écoles" (GE), but there is limited empirical evidence on the effect of alternative admission policies which have been largely implemented by these institutions. This article focuses on the effect of alternative pathways to GE which allow to transfer after a short vocational degree in higher education or a bachelor's degree. It relies on longitudinal data on high school graduates and their trajectories in higher education to estimate whether students entering elite institutions through alternative pathways differ in terms of social and academic characteristics from those entering through the traditional pathway. This analysis is complemented by estimating the propensity to transfer to a GE among eligible students. Results show that, among eligible students, those with tertiary-educated parents are more likely to transfer. However, alternative pathways appear to diversify the social and academic profile of students in elite institutions because socially advantaged students remain a minority among those eligible to transfer. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objectives: This study assessed knowledge, beliefs and practices of elite female footballers regarding injury prevention.Methods: A survey was sent to players participating in the FIFA Women's World Cup France 2019. Questions covered three injury prevention domains: (1) knowledge; (2) attitudes and beliefs; (3) prevention practices in domestic clubs. Additionally, ACL injury history was assessed.Results: Out of 552 players, 196 women responded (35.5%). More than 80% of these considered injury risk to be moderate or high. Players listed knee, ankle, thigh, head and groin as the most important injuries in women's football. The most important risk factors identified were low muscle strength, followed by poor pitch quality, playing on artificial turf, too much training, reduced recovery and hard tackles. In these elite players, 15% did not have any permanent medical staff in their domestic clubs, yet more than 75% had received injury prevention advice and more than 80% performed injury prevention exercises in their clubs. Players identified the two most important implementation barriers as player motivation and coach attitude. Two-thirds of players used the FIFA 11+ programme in their clubs.Conclusions: This diverse group of elite players demonstrated good knowledge of risk level and injury types in women's football. Of the risk factors emphasised by players, there was only one intrinsic risk factor (strength), but several factors out of their control (pitch quality and type, training volume and hard tackles). Still players had positive attitudes and beliefs regarding injury prevention exercises and indicated a high level of implementation, despite a lack of medical support. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the author's perspectives regarding the failure of the Bourbon ruling class in France in the late 18th century, which led to the French Revolution in 1789. It examines changes in popular opinion concerning social class and organization and social concepts in France, the inability or unwillingness of the French nobility in power to adapt to changing social mores, and the perspectives of French philosopher Alexis de Tocqueville.

The author responds to various critiques published in the journal concerning his article about the failure of the Ancien Régime in France to adequately respond to changing social forces in France that led to the French Revolution in 1789.

The author responds to an article published in the journal about the subject of the role of the French nobility of what is known as the Ancien Régime in the origins of the French Revolution, notably the self-assessment of the French regarding economic and social trends, the demographic changes of the nobility themselves, and perceptions of the alleged political failure of the French elite.

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Illustrates the importance of local elites in France's national politics and their increased freedom of action during the tumult of the Wars of Religion. Different components of the governor's regime; Focus on the question of the relationship between clientage networks and religious parties.

Copyright of Annales Historiques de la Révolution Française is the property of Librairie Armand Colin and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The education of children as future elites after the Restoration was a persistent concern for French émigrés after the Revolution of 1789. Focusing on discourse on émigré education and émigréschools in Britain and the Holy Roman Empire of the German Nation, this article examines how, in the 1790s, the émigrés' rejection of the Republic and their quest for monarchical restoration resonated in pedagogical activities. Under difficult living conditions and unclear prospects of political exile, education became a consolidating strategy of combating the Revolution with pedagogical means. The social composition, educational programmes, and public representations of émigréschools reveal their pivotal role in émigré community life, involving priests, women, writers, politicians, local supporters -- and children. Comparison between Britain and the Holy Roman Empire allows for differentiating strategies of integration into the host societies and of immunization against revolutionary influences. Education contributed to strengthening the émigrés' identity and mobilizing their hosts for the ideological, military, and humanitarian struggle against the Revolution. The students' later careers call for reconsidering experiences of exile education among the elites of Napoleonic and Restoration France. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the nature of contemporary legal training in two French elite higher education institutions – one dedicated to prepare for legal careers in the economic field, the other one to train top civil servants – in order to assess the role of legal knowledge in the shaping of French contemporary elites. Based on observations of law classes in these schools, it sheds light on the kind of knowledge, skills, and values transmitted through this education. The article shows that in both schools law is presented as a major tool of power, which reinforces its traditional place as governing knowledge. This goes along with the promotion of an instrumental vision of the law, encouraging playing with the law to serve political and financial goals. In this regard, these schools elude the traditional French conception of law as a self-sufficient, coercive and neutral system of positive norms. Though observations show that this move away from French patterns is not fully accomplished in the schools, the promotion of law as a means to profitability and efficiency favours a convergence in the modes of thinking of both economic and administrative elites. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article discusses the social networks in France during the Enlightenment of the eighteenth century, focusing particularly on topics such as the role of the government, the involvement of the aristocracy, intellectual life, and women. Subjects include social reform, social elites, and the separation of the fields of science and the humanities.

This article develops a comparative study of Turkish radicalism (i.e. Kemalism and Unionism) demonstrating its resemblances and differences vis-à-vis its European counterparts, especially French republicanism and Bolshevism. The historiographical vistas of Turkish radicalism are thoroughly examined to elaborate on the ancien régime imageries of Turkish radicalism and the contradictions inherent in these coexisting historiographical vistas. The article aims to develop a critical perspective of Turkish radicalism, arguing that many clichés reproduced in the academic literature had been in fact produced by the Kemalists as self-fashioning. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article seeks to combine methods in the sociology of elites with those in the analysis of public policy to understand changes in the French state. To explain the role of state elites we specify a concept of "programmatic elites" that combines analyses of political and administrative careers with actors' policy frames. We present main dimensions ot the concept and discuss various ways in which it overcomes some weaknesses of the positional, reputational, and decisional methods, as well as how it extends elite studies to analyses of what might be termed "the new custodians of the State." By applying our concept to health policy since the early 1980s, we demonstrate the role of these elites in bringing about major changes in important policy domains. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper examines the degree of interlocking directorships across the major Eurozone economies. It uses the major stock market indices in France, Germany, Italy, the Netherlands, and Belgium to identify the top of the corporate elite in each country. For the period of 2005-2008, it studies transnational links between European companies. The paper draws attention to a number of features of these interlocks. Firstly transnational interlocks remain relatively low but secondly they do vary considerably. An important issue here is the degree of bilateral integration which is occurring between some countries within the Eurozone, for example France and Belgium, and the degree to which other countries, most notably, Italy are increasingly disconnected, whilst the two most powerful economies, France and Germany, are very weakly connected. This variability reflects a series of structural divides between big business in the Eurozone that makes it difficult for this corporate elites to be cohesive at the European level. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Bourdieu's construct of the field of power has received relatively little attention despite its novelty and theoretical potential. This paper explores the meaning and implications of the construct, and integrates it into a wider conception of the formation and functioning of elites at the highest level in society. Drawing on an extensive dataset profiling the careers of members of the French business elite, it compares and contrasts those who enter the field of power with those who fail to qualify for membership, exploring why some succeed as hyper-agents while others do not. The alliance of social origin and educational attainment, class and meritocracy, emerges as particularly compelling. The field of power is shown to be relatively variegated and fluid, connecting agents from different life worlds. Methodologically, this paper connects biographical data of top French directors with the field of power in France in a novel way, while presenting an operationalization of Bourdieu's concept of the field of power as applied to the French elite. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1959, a new organization was created in France under the name of ‘the Pool of the Providers of the French Ski Team’. Its aim was to support the national team with money, human resources, and specific equipment. It included some of the major national ski and footwear industries for which international competitions were seen as both a place to improve their products and a way to promote their image. The Pool helped both the national team and the French ski industry to become world leaders within 10 years. This success, however, was fragile. On one hand, the constitution of the Pool resulted in a system that was a cartel, a monopoly, and a tool for economic patriotism. On the other hand, it surfed at the border of amateurism at a time when skiing was still an amateur sport at the Olympic Games. Soon after the Games of Grenoble these two limits led to a deterioration of the relationships between the Pool and the ski federation, which incidentally resulted in a major crisis for French skiing in 1973. The Pool then opened its doors to foreign companies in the late 1970s, replacing sport patriotism with economic nationalism. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Employing a Weberian understanding of the centrality of a strong bureaucracy in the modern nation-state, this article examines the relationship between the state and elite education in France. Through a historical analysis and an examination of two current issues facing education – widening participation and pressures to internationalise – we illustrate how the legitimacy of the administrative and political establishments, as well as the status granted to elite education tracks, has been largely preserved. Furthermore, dominant social classes have actively played a role in this alliance, thereby limiting the circle of eligible individuals who can aspire to future elite positions. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article examines the cultivation of transnational connections, cosmopolitanism and global class consciousness among members of elite social clubs in Paris. Drawing from interviews with members, it compares how – according to their respective characteristics – various social clubs promote different kinds of bourgeois cosmopolitanism, while rejecting the more recent internationalism of upper-middle-class service clubs such as the Rotary. Each club's peculiar ethos, practice and representations of social capital are related to the features of competing clubs through relations of mutual symbolic distinction; for example, some clubs emphasize the ‘genuineness’ of links while stigmatizing others for the accent they put on utility. The varied forms of cosmopolitanism that they promote partly replicate these logics of distinction, eliciting struggles over the authenticity or inauthenticity of transnational connections. Yet, clubs also oppose each other according to the unequal emphasis that they place on international ties per se, which creates a competing axiology within the symbolic economy of social capital accumulation. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

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This article examines the experiences of university elites in Britain and France during and after the First World War. It compares the elite network of the École Normale Supérieure with that of Trinity and King's Colleges in Cambridge, arguing that these communities functioned and understood themselves as families. The war, which suspended normal intellectual practice and placed mobilized university elites (as junior officers) at an increased risk of wounds or death, was seen as a threat to the very existence of the family. The article traces the responses of these groups to the outbreak of war, to the cessation of normal scholarly life, and to the shocking death rate; in so doing, it demonstrates the resilience of these networks. To date, historians have drawn on the writings of members of these families to make broader arguments about the war experience. This study is the first to examine the self-perception of these groups, and in so doing, provides a new context for scholarly activities during and after the war, bereavement, and remembrance, as well as for academic practices in the post-war period. As a Franco-British comparison, it argues for great similarities of experience between two superficially disparate university cultures [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

As the French cultural elite reached a consensus about how best to represent the nation’s productive labour force, an independent family of printmakers led by Nicolas I de Larmessin and his brother, Nicolas II, formulated an alternative vision. Their fanciful series of prints of tradesmen dressed in the tools and products of their crafts from circa 1695 is undeniably entertaining, yet by way of representational models taken from masquerade, fashion and ethnographic prints they engaged the issues at stake for France’s labouring population with surprising acuity. This article considers the Larmessin’s images vis-à-vis contemporary debates on représentation (with its contingent theoretical implications of habitus as a social conditioner) before examining how the series speaks directly to concerns raised by Diderot and d’Alembert over the limits of depicting processes of manipulating materials in the Encyclopédie. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Focusing on the French national football team during the period 1998–2013, this article will trace the evolution of political and media discourses about sport and society in France. It will analyse how the team, and its relationship to France’s banlieues and French society as a whole, has been perceived by journalists, politicians, public intellectuals and sociologists after both notable successes and significant failures. Although the World Cup victory of 1998 and spectacular failure at the World Cup in South Africa in 2010 may initially seem to occupy different ends of a spectrum, it will be argued that there are also important continuities in the period 1998–2013 that illuminate the study of relations between sport, media, and the political and intellectual elites in France. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

There is increasing interest in the emergence of a 'global middle class' in which high achieving young graduates increasingly look to develop careers that transcend national boundaries. This paper explores this issue through comparing and contrasting the aspirations and orientations of two 'elite' cohorts of graduates. Interviews with students at the University of Oxford, England, and Sciences- Po, France, reveal very different ambitions and allegiances. Our Oxford respondents portray their futures as projects of self-fulfilment as they build portfolio careers by moving from job to job and from country to country with limited social allegiances - epitomizing the nomadic worker of the transnational elite. Our Parisian respondents, on the other hand, display strong allegiances to the nation, state and civic duty. Their projects of the self involve reconciling their personal aspirations with strong allegiances to France. The paper concludes by discussing the significance of these differences. It argues that the enduring role of education in the formation of national identities should not be overlooked and that more detailed research is needed on the contextual specifity of transnationalism and the (re)production of elites. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the use of the ancient philosopher and mathematician Pythagoras by Renaissance mathematicians in relation to the cultural significance of mathematics. Topics include the relation of mathematics to philosophy in 16th-century France, the creation of an elite intellectual culture during the early modern era, and the reception of Pythagoras as an authoritative figure.

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Copyright of Journal of Eastern Townships Studies / Revue d'études des Cantons-de-l'Est (JETS/RECE) is the property of Eastern Townships Resource Centre and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

On 25 September 1513 Henry VIII made his formal entry into Tournai as king of France. An examination of this entry provides an insight into how seriously Henry took his claim to the throne of France. This article uses a range of sources and looks at the entry from the perspective of both Henry and the townspeople, and systematically analyses the different elements that formed a ceremonial entry during the period. It demonstrates that a royal entry was a moment of communication between ruler and ruled, and that Henry used the ceremony to develop good relations with Tournai's ruling elite. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One hundred and twenty students successful at entering four of the most famous French grandes écoles (École Normale Supérieure Ulm, Polytechnique, HEC, Sciences Po) were questioned about their institution’s image. We focus on how the prestige of these institutions in the French society played a role in students’ attraction and contributed to build their aspirations to integrate them. Initially, the knowledge and the awareness of the symbolic meanings associated with these institutions are very unequal among these students. As this paper shows, they depend on their family and school former socialisation. If the prestigious image exerts an undeniable attraction on numerous students, its effect on their feeling of accessibility is ambivalent. It intimidates the majority of them, particularly those with fewer social and cultural capital, thus complicating their identification with the institution. These findings suggest that the public image of these elite institutions can be of interest in understanding the socially differentiated attractiveness of this selective segment of higher education in France. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Zeitschrift für Qualitative Forschung (ZQF) is the property of Verlag Barbara Budrich GmbH and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article discusses the early medieval economy in northern Gaul during the late Roman period through the sixth century, with a particular focus on the origins of the bipartite estate, or grand domaine. The impact that Romans had on the development of estates in Gaul during the Merovingian period is discussed. An overview of the patterns of rural settlement in Gaul is provided. The management of estates in Merovingian Gaul by local élites, who worked at the behest of aristocrats, is also discussed.

The article discusses education in French colonies in West Africa during the early twentieth century, focusing on the ideological underpinnings of these efforts to educate the indigenous populations. Topics mentioned include the desire of colonial authorities to civilize the local population or create an elite class of locals who would be sympathetic to the French; the interactions and conflict between French and African culture; and on French Senegal and the revolt of 1914 which was sparked by former students of the French educational system.

The period of time comprised between the Two World Wars is particularly abundant in cultural interactions between Romanian and French intellectuals, thus emerging a series of factors that foster the increased attractiveness of the francophone space for our elites. This liaison appears to be a decisive factor in the choice of the exile by these personalities following the arrival of communism in Romania, which gives rise to an increasingly active cultural life of the diaspora settled in France, composed of artists from a broad range of areas, as well as politicians. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Rugby was brought into Madagascar with French colonisation and General Gallieni's troops in 1896, and at the outset was reserved for the military and colonists for training and entertainment. However, shortly after the end of the First World War, the elites of the High Plateaus moved away from the austere 'French Method' to focus on playing rugby and use it as a means of supporting national emancipation. In this article, we propose to look at this original process of cultural transfer during this period of French colonisation in Madagascar. We also intend to assess the historical circumstances in which this British sport was introduced and the motives justifying the Malagasy people's appropriation of a team sport such as rugby beginning in the inter-war period. It will be seen that this was both a cultural and social transfer, as the democratisation of the game went hand in hand with its desertion by the educated fringe of the population at the moment of independence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Socio-Economic History / Shakai-Keizai Shigaku is the property of Socio-Economic History Society and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Norwegians are often described as 'conspicuously modest' and equality oriented. From this point of view, the Norwegian cultural elite is a strange phenomenon. The aim of this study is to explore peoples' ideas about the cultural elite, not its actual existence, behavior or attitudes. To what degree, how and with what rhetorical potential is the concept cultural elite used in Norwegian public debate? The data consists of 36 newspapers from the last three decades. The material is linked to a discussion of signs and myths. A central finding is that there exists a clear opinion, a myth, about the cultural elite, and that this plays a steadily increasing role in public debate. Concerning its position, the mythic cultural elite fits well with Pierre Bourdieu's theory about social space, originally developed in France. However, the treatment the alledgedly cultural elite receives in the media demonstrates differences between France and Norway: While in France the cultural elite is traditionally elevated and admired, there is little or no respect for the cultural elite in Norway. Over time there is a change in direction of more negative use of the concept cultural elite in Norwegian news- papers: The contempt for it seems to have increased. The cultural elite is a suitable target for attack, not least politically. When no one in particular feels hit by an attack, no one will defend the cultural elite, and the attack is left uncountered. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses French Protestant elite attitudes towards the supernatural during the 17th and 18th centuries. Particular focus is given to "The Devill of Mascon," an account of a Huguenot family's struggle with a demon which was written by François Perreaud and translated into English by Pierre du Moulin. Details on the relationship between popular belief and elite thought are also presented. Topics include scientist Robert Boyle and Calvinism.

The article discuses the relationship between French Catholic écoles de charité, or charity schools, and the French state during the late 17th century. Particular focus is given to the involvement of the church, the state, and the local elite in the operation of charity schools in Lyon, France. According to the author, the schools were intended as sites of social reproduction where elite ideals of morality, productivity, and efficiency could be taught to lower-class children.

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Copyright of Historical Reflections / Réflexions Historiques is the property of Berghahn Books and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Author-supplied Abstracts.)

An introduction to the journal is presented which discusses several articles published within the issue, including one on elites in France, Great Britain, and Germany in the late nineteenth century, one on male politicians in France and Norway, and one on immigrant entrepreneurs in France.

Thanks to a comparison of social and educational characteristics of elites in France, Germany and UK at the end of the nineteenth century, this contribution shows the specificities of the French case: a mixture of persistent traditional elites, akin to British and German ones, and the growing domination of a more recent economic and meritocratic bourgeoisie pushing for liberalism and democracy. Nevertheless, evolutions in the same direction as France are also perceptible in the two monarchies and give birth to a new divergence when after WWI the democratization of elites go faster in UK and Germany than in France where the law bourgeoisie remain dominant and blocks the reforms asked by more popular or petit bourgeois groups present in the political parties on the left. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]