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This article combines linguistic discourse analysis with role theory to create a role-theoretic discourse analysis framework for German security policy. To illustrate this, we employ topos analysis on 30 plenary minutes of parliamentary debates regarding the International Security Assistance Force mission in Afghanistan, conducted by German Members of Parliament between 2001 and 2014. We interpret their perception of Germany's roles in light of key behavioral norms related to German security policy. The parliamentary discourse, shaped by topoi, sets the stage for decisions on German military operations abroad. The use of topoi is influenced by dominant thought patterns, particularly the perspective on Germany's role in security policy held by the political elite. Political decisions, in turn, reflect behavioral preferences guided by these viewpoints. Our research reveals how changes in German security policy are mirrored in the discourse. This discourse is structured around five categories of topoi for legitimizing or delegitimizing military operations abroad: necessity, obligation, self-interest, capability and preparedness, and solution. An evaluation of the use of topoi through the lens of role theory indicates that perceptions of Germany's role have evolved over time, encompassing roles such as a "civilian power," a "normal state," and an "agenda-setting role" in sync with its foreign military engagements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper tracks the rise of German dominance since Bismarck’s unification of Germany in 1871 and during the 20th century, when the Germans used their economic, demographic, and military power in addition to geopolitical theories, particularly the vital space theory, to support expansionism. The «German question» evolved in the wake of the two world wars as the European States’ main concern was how to maintain a peaceful, powerful Germany. Following the Ukrainian war, German Chancellor Olaf Scholz declared Germany’s goal to have the greatest army in Europe, modernize military industries, and allocate 100 billion Euros for the defense budget. Accordingly, as strong Germany, historically, has always sought to dominate its neighbors, the paper examines the possible scenarios for the rise of Germany and its dominance over the European Union. What will be the repercussions of Germany’s rise on the future of the European Union and its institutions, and the potential incentives for cooperation and collaboration among European nations? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper analyses implications and challenges of Germany's upcoming military deployment in Lithuania. A permanent stationing of brigade-sized military unit on NATO's Eastern frontier represents a major change in its force posture and a significant shift in Germany's defence policy. Despite the official German position that the implementation of its military commitments is contingent on Lithuania's timely improvement of its host nation support infrastructure, the paper suggests that the speed, quantity, and structure of Germany's deployment also depends on the progress made in rearming the Bundeswehr and its defence policy priorities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the Best Paper Prize awarded by the journal Computational Optimization and Applications. The winning paper, written by Alberto De Marchi, focuses on a numerical method for convex quadratic programs (QPs), which are optimization problems with quadratic objective functions and polyhedral constraints. De Marchi's method, called QPDO, combines the proximal point algorithm and a globalized Newton-type method to solve QPs efficiently and robustly. The paper's findings have influenced the development of methods for more general problem classes and have potential applications in various fields, including control systems and data science. Alberto De Marchi is a postdoctoral researcher at the University of the Bundeswehr Munich, Germany, with expertise in computational optimization. [Extracted from the article]

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Copyright of SIRIUS - Zeitschrift fur Strategische Analysen is the property of De Gruyter and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Neuphilologische Mitteilungen is the property of Modern Language Society and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The German Bundeswehr, like other NATO forces, seeks to recruit more women in order to improve its gender balance and to meet its personnel needs. However, previous research on military recruitment has paid little attention to women. Given that the (German) military is still a male-dominated organization, we argue that women's opinion regarding the realization of gender equality in the military may very well be the Achilles heel of recruiting women. Based on the assumption that women value gender equality in the work environment, we test the hypothesis that women are more attracted to the military as a (potential) employer, the more they think the military has achieved gender equality. A multivariate analysis of nationally representative survey data from Germany from 2019 provides empirical evidence to support this hypothesis. Practical and theoretical implications are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Verwaltung und Management: Zeitschrift für Moderne Verwaltung (VM) is the property of Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft mbH & Co. KG and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Militärgeschichtliche Zeitschrift is the property of De Gruyter and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of SIRIUS - Zeitschrift fur Strategische Analysen is the property of De Gruyter and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Turkey requested big and influential military advisory missions against the Russian threat both from Germany in 1913 and America in 1947. Although these missions were charged with revitalising an antiquated armed force to fight a modern war as soon as possible, in reality Turkish leaders saw both missions as the first step towards a comprehensive military alliance against the Russians. The outbreak of the First World War in 1914 and the Korean War in 1950 provided chances to induce Germany and America to agree upon Turkish desires for long-term military alliance. The military missions had to transform themselves and assumed duties other than those originally contemplated. In both cases a snowballing process of growth started in a relatively short time. The inflow of thousands of military personnel, most of whom were independent of the mission command and pursued different objectives, resulted in fragmentation and sometimes anarchy. There were many similarities between the experiences of both missions. They both suffered from ignorance, insensitivity, and cultural prejudices due to their poor linguistic and cultural preparation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Dennis Showalter's influence on the scholarship of the First World War is unmatched among American historians. His work is especially important for two reasons. First, it studies the German Army using primary sources and original research, a particularly valuable contribution given the mythic and just plain false associations that many amateur scholars place on the German military. Second, Dennis's career involved long stretches of teaching cadets and military officers. His work thus combined an appreciation of the problems of the past with the challenges of the present day. The second half of this essay renders homage to that tradition by examining patterns in Dennis's writings of the First World War that remain relevant to an understanding of war in our own time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Prussian tradition in Ottoman military modernization began with Captain Helmuth von Moltke. Approximately a century after the activities of the delegation headed by Helmuth von Moltke in the Ottoman army, advisors from Germany were re-assigned by the Republic of Turkey at various levels of the army. Compared to previous military delegations, German consultants, whose duties were limited to lecturing at military academies on paper, resigned from their official duties in Germany. They have signed special agreements with the Turkish Armed Forces that do not bind their own countries and military institutions, and have served in Turkey for a wage higher than the salary they earned in their country. Between 1925 and 1939, apart from the military attachés in the German embassies in Turkey, 36 German served in Turkish Military and Naval War Schools. Among these, Hilmar von Mittelberger is the most prominent name with his works that he left behind in a short period of 7 years, with his last position in Germany with the rank of lieutenant general. The German general, who returned to his country with the beginning of the Second World War, attended the talks about Turkey at the headquarters of his country's general staff, where he informed the generals of the German army about Turkey's defense power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the capacity of the German Army to establish key conditions for successful tactical- and operational-level adaptation, innovation and emulation. In doing so, it explores the factors which stimulate and block adaptation, innovation and emulation. The article points to the need for accounts of German foreign, defence and security policy to pay greater attention to the intra-organisational barriers to effective policy implementation. Finally, it highlights avenues for future empirical and theoretical research on military change, especially the need for greater understanding of the role of learning processes in linking military adaptation in the field to wider organisational learning. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This year will mark the end of an important stage in German political life, which has been dominated for more than a decade and a half by a coalition government led by Chancellor Angela Merkel and dominated by the Christian Democrats. Angela Merkel's legacy will depend heavily on the evolution of Germany's new political configuration, starting this autumn and will create challenges for the next federal chancellor, who will have to lead the future German executive for the next four years. In the context of new security challenges in Europe, in which Russia's expansionist tendencies at the eastern border and in the Black Sea are growing, Germany is deeply committed to "revitalizing" the transatlantic relationship with its main US ally, at least at pre-Trump's era, but also to become more actively involved in international politics, with the goal of becoming a "key player" in strengthening global and multilateral institutions, but also for his assertion as a leader, both internationally and especially within the EU. Last but not least, Germany is campaigning for increased EU -NA TO cooperation, an important element in strengthening European defense and security. Based on these objectives, the German Federal Government and the leadership of the Federal Ministry of Defense are increasingly concerned about the need for an in-depth analysis of Germany's security situation, while adapting to the new conditions of security and defense policy, as well as for adapting the objective, missions and organization of the Bundeswehr to the new conditions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Why to go back to 1985 to discuss present-day key concerns of international relations from the perspective of World War II history during the Cold War? The May 5, 1985 Bitburg cemetery celebrations, when US president altogether with German chancellor (Helmut Kohl) paid tribute to WWII veterans (of both sides of the conflict) was an example of the Ronald Reagan administration's public relations fiasco: the "Great Communicator" failed to refer to WWII history in a manner that would save him from harsh criticism. Importantly, the 1985 debate concerning the Bitburg ceremony and the moral aspects of a homage to German (Axis) WWII soldiers gave an incentive to "Historikerstreit" in Germany, a dispute regarding WWII history in a manner comparable to Holocaust responsibility as a collective burden carried by Germans. The Bitburg cemetery, since the 1930s a monument (Kolmeshöhe Ehrenfriedhof) to WWI German military victims, and then to their younger colleagues during WWII (Wehrmacht and, controversially, Waffen-SS) remained a broadly commented upon focal point of Cold War disputes, allowing such questions that might bring about a possibility of ground-breaking change in present-day political rivalries caused by failed (or successful) Cold War propaganda related to WWII choices. The Bitburg case presents itself as a particularly illustrative one and could also shed more light on the post-Soviet Russian effort to increase its influence by relying on the myths of the "Great Patriotic War". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article contributes to the growing debate on parliamentary war powers and shows how parliaments matter in shaping both force deployment and force employment. Through original analysis of the Italian and German decision-making on military interventions after the Cold War, the article illustrates how formal and informal constraints shape the opportunity structures faced by executives that are willing to undertake military interventions. Revisiting, and building on, the great deal of research recently emerged on institutional constraints to the use of force, the article details the types of costs – namely, transaction and audience costs – linked to involvement of legislatives in the decision-making and provides empirical support for theories based on parliamentary war powers, adding new dimensions of analysis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

By focusing so intently on rescuing German military psychiatrists from what she sees as a one-sided interpretation of their beliefs and actions, Bennette may have missed an opportunity to also look for continuities, and thus to deepen our understanding of the troubling consequences of the pathologizing of dissent. Bennette supports her argument by turning to documents used only sparingly by other historians of German military psychiatry - patient files. [Extracted from the article]

When the German Empire was founded in 1871, the country had one of the highest birth rates in Europe. In particular in contrast to its French neighbour, the German population was massively growing. From a military point of view, this development was seen as a huge advantage. With its population surplus, the German army had more than enough soldiers and was able to conscript only the fittest recruits. But the situation changed in the years before and during the First World War. The German birth rate started to decline and reached an all-time low during the war. This article analyses the army's perception of the change in the demographic development and its influence on pronatalist policies in Imperial Germany with a focus on the First World War. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

»Die militärischen Ursprünge der Arbeitsschutzgesetzgebung im deutschen Kaiserreich«. Prussia, and since its founding in 1871 the German Empire, were pioneers in the introduction of general conscription and one of the largest military powers in Europe. At the same time, the German Empire was seen as a pioneer in public social policy. Using the example of labor protection, this article examines whether and to what extent connections existed between general conscription, power ambitions of governments, and social protection. It seeks to determine what role military reasons played in the expansion of German labor protection by analyzing the military's influence on legislation between the early 19th century and the end of the First World War. This examination will show that military arguments have gained great importance over time but have never, with the exception of the First World War, been the dominant motive for welfare reform. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Current conflicts are increasingly carried out in hybrid forms, including attacks on technical networks and campaigns aimed at influencing public opinion. The Bundeswehr has responded to this development by pooling its capabilities in this field and combining them in the new Cyber and Information Domain Service. On par with the classic service branches--Army, Air Force, and Navy--this service, with its approximately 14,500 members, makes an important contribution to the whole-of-government security provision. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There have been a lot of researches on social memory literature in Germany in recent years. For writers, Germany is a state with a wide range of materials in terms of historical matters. Especially the historical process that Germany went through between 1933 and 1945 is still on the agenda. The writers of historical novels, who take the subject from the historical events of this period, interpret these events from their own point of view and also attach importance to the individual's narrative. In this way, the historical facts narrated in the family as a whole destroy the taboos through literary expression. The way of the reassessment of the history which was forgotten or was made to forget has been opened with this trend called Erinnerungsliterat in Germany while Social Memory in Turkey. Tanja Dückers' historical novel "Himmelskörper" in German Literature is characteristic of social memory literature. The theme of the novel was based on the Wilhelm Gustloff German military transport ship called, which was submerged by Russian submarine in the Second World War. We aimed with this research to study this novel and to reflect a social reality of Germany experienced in the World War II. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

'Without doubt, this is the right book at exactly the right time! Despite COVID's media predominance, the dangers to our freedom have not simply faded away; quite the opposite. With their novel analysis piercing through the layers of Germany's strategic wavering, Giegerich and Terhalle demonstrate precisely that. For anyone aiming at taking over executive responsibility for Berlin's foreign and security policy after the federal elections in September 2021, this is a must-read.' Friedrich Merz, Member of the German Bundestag (1994-2009), Chief Whip and Minority Leader (2000-02) and member of the CDU/CSU Government Team for the 2021 federal elections 'This is an in-depth study of a crucial topic. Well-argued and well-researched, this book offers an original take on a timely and important subject with broad implications for the future of European and transatlantic security.' Dr Benedetta Berti, Head of Policy Planning, Office of the Secretary-General, NATO The rise or resurgence of revisionist, repressive and authoritarian powers threatens the Western, US-led international order upon which Germany's post-war security and prosperity were founded. With Washington increasingly focused on China's rise in Asia, Europe must be able to defend itself against Russia, and will depend upon German military capabilities to do so. Years of neglect and structural underfunding, however, have hollowed out Germany's armed forces. Much of the political leadership in Berlin has not yet adjusted to new realities or appreciated the urgency with which it needs to do so. In this Adelphi book, Bastian Giegerich and Maximilian Terhalle argue that Germany's current strategic culture is inadequate. It informs a security policy that fails to meet contemporary strategic challenges, thereby endangering Berlin's European allies, the Western order and Germany itself. They contend that Germany should embrace its historic responsibility to defend Western liberal values and the Western order that upholds them. Rather than dogmatically reject the use of military force, Germany should wed its commitment to liberal values to an understanding of the role of power - including military power - in international affairs. Giegerich and Terhalle show why Germany should seek to foster a strategic culture that would be compatible with those of other leading Western nations and allow Germans to perceive the world through a strategic lens. In doing so, they also outline possible elements of a new security policy. Dr Bastian Giegerich is Director of Defence and Military Analysis at the IISS. He previously worked for the German Federal Ministry of Defence in research and policy roles and is the author and editor of several books on European security and defence matters. Professor Maximilian Terhalle is affiliated with King's College London. Between 2019 and 2020, he served as Senior Adviser to the UK's Ministry of Defence. Previously, he taught at Columbia and Yale universities' security programmes and undertook field work in China and Egypt. His work focuses on hard security, strategy and world order; he has written or edited seven books and published widely in international newspapers and journals. He is a Lieutenant Colonel (res.) in the Bundeswehr. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Analyzes the successes and failures of the Axis alliance led by Germany in coalition warfare. Tactical and operational levels of the warfare; Effectiveness of the German-Romanian air defense system; Success of the Winter Warfare School established in Finland.

Examines the ideology and motivation that influenced average German soldiers to fight in defense of their country during the World War II. Satisfaction of certain primary personality demands afforded by the social organization of the army; Importance of ideology for a hard-core minority of fervent Nazis in the German Army; Belief in the good intentions of Hitler as a leader.

Expounds on the military historical background of the delay in the deployment of the V-2, the world's first ballistic missile developed by the German Army rocket program. Adolf Hitler's skepticism about the missile perceived to have had the ability to make a significant difference in the war; Disarray in the weapons procurement and priority systems of the war economy; Origins of the German Army Rocket program; Priority battle.

Copyright of Der Staat is the property of Duncker & Humblot GmbH and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article titled "Turning Point: More Security through an Arms Boost?" deals with the announcement by Federal Chancellor Olaf Scholz to massively arm the Federal Republic of Germany. Scholz plans to establish a special fund for the Bundeswehr amounting to 100 billion euros and an annual defense investment of more than 2 percent of the gross domestic product. In addition, a modern replacement aircraft for the outdated Tornado jets is to be procured. However, the author argues that this armament would neither help Ukraine against Russian aggression nor improve deterrence capabilities towards Russia. He also questions whether a re-militarized Bundeswehr could reliably protect Germany and argues that there is no military answer to security against a nuclear power like Russia. [Extracted from the article]