Search

Background: US government child labor policies allow children as young as age 10 to be hired as workers on farms not operated by family members. Children may face substantial health risks in an industry known for high worker morbidity and mortality rates, due to high demands for productivity, and low control and little support because of the organization of the workplace. This paper examines how child farmworkers in North Carolina experience their work situation., Methods: In-depth interviews conducted in 2016 with 30 Latinx child farmworkers, ages 10 to 17, were analyzed using concepts from the demand-control-support model. All had worked as either migrant or seasonal hired farmworkers within the past year., Results: Children reported planting, cultivating, and harvesting crops including fruits, vegetables, and tobacco. The crew leader supervisory system, piece-rate pay, and coworker pressure produced significant demands to work quickly and take risks including lifting heavy loads, operating mechanical equipment, and working in excessive heat. Children had little control over work to counter demands they experienced; and they labored in a state of fear of firing, wage theft, and other sanctions. Support was variable, with younger children more likely to experience family and coworker support than older children., Conclusions: The high demands with limited control and, for some, little support, that these children experience place them at risk and show the possibility of injury and exploitation. Future research should systematically document the occupational injury and illness of hired child farmworkers, and consider whether changes in labor policy are warranted., (© 2019 Wiley Periodicals, Inc.)

The nature of poultry processing puts workers at risk for developing neurological injuries, particularly carpal tunnel syndrome (CTS). Many poultry processing workers are Latino immigrants. This qualitative analysis uses an explanatory models of illness (EMs) framework to describe immigrant Latino poultry processing workers' (Guatemalan and Mexican) beliefs of CTS. Understanding these workers' CTS EMs provides a foundation for recommendations to reduce the risk factors for this occupational injury. In-depth interviews were completed with 15 poultry processing workers diagnosed with CTS. Systematic qualitative analysis was used to delineate beliefs about causes, symptoms, physiology, treatments, quality-of-life and health implications of CTS. Participants' EMs largely reflect current biomedical understanding of CTS. These EMs are similar for Guatemalan and Mexican workers. Beliefs about causes include factors in the work environment (e.g., repetition, cold) and individual physical weakness. Treatments include over-the-counter medicine, as well as traditional remedies. Most know the future impact of CTS will include chronic pain. These workers know what causes CTS and that curing it would require quitting their jobs, but feel that they must endure CTS to support their families. Latino poultry processing workers, whether Guatemalan or Mexican, have a fairly complete understanding of what causes CTS, how to treat it, and what they must do to cure it. However, situational factors force them to endure CTS. Policy changes are needed to change the structure of work in poultry processing, particularly line speed and break frequency, if the prevalence of CTS is to be reduced.