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The study examines the early incorporation of reinforced concrete in the architecture of Historicism in Austria–Hungary. Spanning the late 19th to early 20th centuries, the research illuminates the period's stylistic pluralism and the transformative impact of reinforced concrete. The paper examines the integration of reinforced concrete into traditional forms, providing detailed case studies and architectural examples. It navigates through various aspects, including the evolution of reinforced concrete during the historicist period, its adoption in notable structures, and its documentation in contemporary literature. Case studies, such as the Lutheran Church in Battyánd (now Puconci, Slovenia), the Roman Catholic Church in Topolya (now Bačka Topola, Serbia), and the former Synagogue in Český Krumlov, Czechia, showcase the innovative ways reinforced concrete addressed structural challenges while adhering to historicist aesthetics. The research concludes by reflecting on the transformative role of reinforced concrete in challenging the conventions of Historicism, paving the way for modern architectural expressions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The second half of the nineteenth century was an era of mass labour migration in Europe, when the Atlantic route became of paramount importance alongside intra-continental mobility. From the last third of the century Italy and Hungary were among the most important emigrating countries. By this time changes in the regulation of migration had begun to take place with the development of stronger state control, which affected mobility and the relationship between emigrants and transporters. The question also arose as to whether and how the large emigrating states could ensure the loyalty of their emigrant citizens and control them en route and in the destination states. The regulatory process which began in the 1880s gradually moved from an administrative approach to the development of more comprehensive legal sources covering more and more aspects of emigration with the Hungarian government making use of foreign solutions, particularly the Italian Emigration Act of 1901. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In many European countries, geography was regarded as an important 'imperial science' in the late 19th century, and influential geographical societies contributed to the empire-building efforts. The Hungarian Geographical Society, however, was more connected to a nation-building mission in the decades after its foundation (1872), and seeking recognition of Hungary among the European nations had always been a priority of the society. Imperial thinking became more prevalent around the turn of the century, but even then, Hungarian geographers emphasised the special Hungarian interests that were different from the geopolitical aims of the Austrian part of the Austro-Hungarian Empire. This paper examines the Hungarian Geographical Society in international comparative context. The Hungarian society belonged to the middle-sized geographical societies in terms of its membership, income, and financial reliance on state subsidies, which corresponded the semi-peripheral position of Hungary. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Much has been written about Austria-Hungary under the state of emergency during the First World War. Historians have analysed many aspects of wartime government, among them the political, bureaucratic, and constitutional background since 1867. Emphasis has been placed on the legal regulations that underpinned the state of emergency and their wartime implementation, institutional responsibilities, and the different kinds of hardship emergency decrees imposed on the Habsburg Empire's diverse population, including the targeting of particular nationalities and political ideologies. Much of this scholarly work, however, focuses solely on one or other of the two halves of the monarchy without looking at their differences and similarities. This article therefore analyses: To what extent did one of the main characteristics of Austria-Hungary as a state, namely its dualism, influence planning for and implementation of the wartime state of emergency? While in both halves of the Monarchy parliamentary legislation transferred authority to the government in the event of a state of emergency, in Austria there were fewer safeguards against the military's abuse of power. The more significant limitations on the military's authority in wartime Hungary and the greater powers reserved to its Parliament and judicial system were not sufficient in themselves to reduce the repressive nature of emergency rule or its negative impact on the lives of ordinary citizens. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Austro-Hungarian Monarchy was undoubtedly a complicated state formation whose foundation was influenced by many factors in the 1860s. The Compromise of 1867 established a unique governmental system that had many uncertain legal elements and details that could be interpreted in different ways. Therefore, Austrian and Hungarian politicians and scholars viewed the empire's legal framework mostly through their individual (national) ideologies. This manifested even in the formulation of the Austrian and Hungarian laws which granted the basic administrative structure of the empire. Presumably, this phenomenon caused a long-time discrepancy in the scientific research of the empire. Although the empire's unified customs area enabled the free movement of capital, labour, goods, and services, scholars from Austria and Hungary tended to study socioeconomic dynamics separately in the Austrian and Hungarian parts of the empire, even in recent studies. There is a paucity of comprehensive studies treating the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy as a singular entity, aiming to comprehend the interconnections among its diverse regions. This study aims to shed light on a research perspective centred on the legal framework of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy as a unified state space, granted by the customs union. First, the study takes a brief look at the discrepancies between the interpretations of the past studies on the empire and the legal facts of the customs union. Then, as a case study, the paper discovers the main migration patterns between Austria and Hungary, utilising data extracted from the Austrian and Hungarian censuses carried out throughout that era 1870-1910. Using three specific migration indicators, the study analyses the volume of migration and identifies the primary migration patterns between Austrian crownlands and Hungarian counties. The case study not only underscores the importance of this innovative research perspective on the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy but also unveils, for the first time, a seemingly fundamental yet previously undiscovered area of research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The outbreak of the First World War (1914-1918) forced the countless civilians to leave their homes and to become war refugees. This topic has remained largely unexplored by the historians. The number of refugees from the multinational Galicia in the years 1914-1918 was large in many parts of the former Austria-Hungary, which finds its reflection in archival materials scattered over various archives and over an extensive territory. This paper presents the issue of the Galician war refugees who found themselves in the Lands of the Crown of Saint Stephen. It also outlines the general problem of emigration as well as describes relations between the refugees and the local people. It was not only due to antagonisms but also due to the administrative decisions of the Hungarian authorities that the Galician refugees remained alien to the locals, despite the fact they all were citizens of the same Habsburg Monarchy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the context of the 2020 pandemic, the regulation and content of the special legal order has come to the forefront of attention around the world. A similar thing happened in Hungary, but while new rules and legal concepts were developed to deal with the pandemic, there was a need to explore and present the historical background of the national regulation. This article presents the changes in the Hungarian regulations concerning the special legal order from the beginning to the communist takeover after the World War II. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims to outline some aspects pertaining to the economic and financial implications of the First World War, the mechanisms and means by which this conflict was financially supported. We will first look at how the war loans contributed financially to supporting the needs of the front, how the population was called upon to support this effort, and of course, the propaganda of the authorities in this regard. Given the economic situation of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy and in the context of international capital market, the only viable solution was to resort to domestic loans that became a tool used by the state to gather the financial resources needed to support the war effort from the population and the banks. Thus, following the example of Germany, Austria- Hungary launched a well-organized campaign to contract loans on the domestic market every six months. In total, eight loans were made. It was considered a patriotic duty of every citizen to support the cause of the war, all these efforts being considered part of a genuine "domestic front." [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the First World War the military and civil authorities of Austria-Hungary employed a variety of means to carry out mobilization and army operations successfully. The system of emergency laws that had been drawn up before 1914 was introduced into the Monarchy at the war's outset by imposing a state of emergency and suspending the fundamental civil rights. A special authority, the War Surveillance Office, based in Vienna and comprising a number of ministerial officials, was set up to control and coordinate the execution of the emergency measures for the duration of the conflict. Concerns about national tensions, open resistance, interference, and sabotage by socialist and national agitators provided the government and military an excuse to focus their attention on “internal enemies.” Enemy aliens and politically suspect citizens were forcibly deported into internment camps, or exiled to remote parts of the Monarchy. This article analyses the treatment of the Italian-speaking population of Trentino and Littoral during the war. Military authorities considered the internment of and/or exile measures against these politically suspect nationals appropriate and effective instruments to fight irredentism. Owing to their exaggerated fears of the irredentist threat, the military authorities arrested and interned large numbers of people, most of whom posed no threat to the Monarchy. Their “crimes” included, for example, belonging to national associations and having contacts with “unreliable persons.” The military's repressive behavior in Trentino and Littoral contributed to the diminution of Italian speakers' loyalty to the Monarchy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Beginning in early 1915, large nailed statues appeared across Austria-Hungary. These statues, which were carved of wood and covered in nails, took different forms. The most common was a shield or medieval knight, the Wehrmann in Eisen. Often placed in prominent public spaces, these statues became focal points for ceremonies aimed at uniting the local population in support of the Habsburg war effort. The rhetoric concerning these statues, used by officials in unveiling ceremonies and reproduced in newspapers, reinforced notions of wartime sacrifice expected of all citizens. This paper examines these nailed statues in both halves of the Dual Monarchy, arguing that these statues served an important function in the Habsburg wartime project to promote widespread patriotism and in the process upheld traditional gendered social order. Ultimately, these nailed statues and the events that took place at them exemplify efforts by those in positions of authority to maintain traditional gendered social order in wartime through this symbol of male battlefront sacrifice. The varied afterlives of these statues indicate the degree to which the statues failed to unite the Monarchy around a common Habsburg wartime project and were subject to use for political ends in the successor states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Both states that constituted the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy issued considerable amounts of perpetual bonds from the 1870s to World War I. These bonds constituted the greater part of the state debt, which was relatively larger in Hungary than in Austria. Movements in bond prices were not uniform for different kinds of securities such as gold bonds, paper bonds and bonds of the common debt of the pre-1867 era. Price movements and movements in the spread between Hungarian and Austrian bond yields followed a stochastic trend. Most fiscal factors such as the share of the state debt, and of state expenses, in GDP, the share of state consumption in overall state expenses, the relation between the debt service and the tax revenues, or the deficit in the state budget, had little or no impact. The conversion of debt instruments reveals a high degree of efficiency on the part of investors. Political crises affected relative price movements in the short run but were unimportant in the context of the middle- and long-term development. Throughout the period, Hungarian bonds as compared to Austrian bonds had lower prices in the Vienna Stock Exchange, suggesting a preference of Viennese investors for domestic securities independently from economic and political circumstances. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

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This paper examines the development of citizenship in Austria-Hungary between 1867 and the 1920s. At the beginning, the paper analyses the reform of citizenship laws in both Austria and Hungary after the Settlement of 1867. Whilst the Austrian citizenship law maintained legal traditions stretching back into the first half of the nineteenth century, the new Hungarian citizenship law of 1878 emulated the laws in effect in Wilhelmine Germany. The basis of Hungarian citizenship law was, however, much broader than German law, in order to allow for the effective integration of the non-Magyar population. An evaluation of applications for Austrian naturalisation illustrates the remarkable capacity of Austrian citizenship law to integrate and to uphold a concept of nationality independent from ethnicity, religious denomination, class or gender. Only during, and above all after, the First World War did the inclusive practice of the Cisleithanian bureaucracy give way to the more exclusive policy of the new German-Austrian Republic, as civil servants now introduced the vague notion of 'race' as a criterion for naturalisation. In contrast to Tsarist Russia and the Second German Empire, both of which introduced similar agendas for nationalisation in the latter part of the nineteenth century linking citizenship to ethnic and religious identity, the Habsburg Monarchy remained basically untouched by such tendencies and with the constitutionally guaranteed principle of 'national equality' upheld its early modern tradition of ethnic and religious tolerance well into the later Imperial period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article seeks to establish what animal experiments Semmelweis conducted, and when and why he conducted them, because the Semmelweis literature contains conflicting claims about these topics or has ignored them altogether. Semmelweis first conducted animal experiments between 22 March and 20 August 1849 with Rokitansky's assistant, Georg Maria Lautner, because his chief, Johann Klein, did not accept that by merely reducing the mortality rate from childbed fever with chlorine hand-disinfection, Semmelweis had proved his theory of the cause of childbed fever. However, Skoda concluded that the Lautner experiments did not resolve the doubts about Semmelweis's theory they were intended to resolve, and, therefore, asked the Academy of Sciences to award Semmelweis a grant to conduct further and more varied experiments with the physiologist, Ernst Ritter von Brücke. These additional experiments were conducted in the spring and summer of 1850, but yielded only ambiguous results, and led Brücke to conclude that questions about Semmelweis's theory could only be resolved by clinical observations, not animal experiments. This article discusses the reasoning behind these animal experiments, and Skoda's and Brücke's responses to them, and argues that their responses to the experiments caused Semmelweis to delay publishing his research until he had collected sufficient clinical evidence to prove his theory., (© The Author(s) 2020. Published by Oxford University Press. All rights reserved. For permissions, please email: journals.permissions@oup.com.)

The focus of this article is on the biography and medical activity of Gisela Januszewska (née Rosenfeld) in Austro-Hungarian (AH) occupied Bosnia and Herzegovina (BH) between 1899 and 1912. Rosenfeld, later Januszewska and then Kuhn(ová) by marriage, was the fifth of a total of nine official female physicians who were employed by the AH administration to improve the health and hygienic conditions among Bosnian and Bosnian Muslim women. In 1893, Gisela Kuhn moved from Brno, Moravia to Switzerland to pursue her medical studies; she was awarded her Doctorate in Medicine (MD) from the University of Zurich in 1898. In the same year, she took up her first position as a local health insurance doctor for women and children in Remscheid but was prohibited from practising in the German Empire. In 1899, she successfully applied to the AH authorities for the newly established position of a female health officer in Banjaluka and began working there in July 1899. She lost her civil service status upon marrying her colleague, Dr Wladislaw Januszewski, in 1900 but carried out her previously officially assigned tasks as a private physician. In 1903, she was employed as a 'woman doctor for women' at the newly established municipal outpatient clinic in Banjaluka. Upon her husband's retirement in 1912, the couple left BH and settled in Graz, Styria. After, World War I Januszewska ran a general medical practice in Graz until 1935 and worked as a health insurance-gynaecologist until 1933. She received several AH and Austrian awards and medals for her merits as a physician and a volunteer for humanitarian organisations. Upon Austria's annexation to Nazi Germany 1938, however, she was classified a Jew and was deported to Theresienstadt concentration camp (Terezín, Bohemia), where she died in 1943. CONCLUSION: Gisela Januszewska, née Rosenfeld (1867-1943) viewed her medical practice as a social medicine mission which she put into practice as a 'woman doctor for woman' in Banjaluka, BH (1899-1912) and Graz, Austria (1919-1935)., (Copyright © 2020 by Academy of Sciences and Arts of Bosnia and Herzegovina.)

Jellinek is a kind of archetypal character for future generations in the field of addiction studies. His implosion in the arena of alcoholism around the age of 50 was an unexpected challenge to medical science. We know very little about his own role models giving an intellectual and moral compass to his pragmatic creativity. More than 30 years has passed since Jellinek's death when an American sociologist Ron Roizen started unearthing his silent story. Roizen discerned that there are a lot of unsaid and muted issues in his personal Hungarian past. Our paper, based on the authors' research in Hungarian archives and other sources reveals that not just Jellinek's personal but his transgenerational narrative has been not-yet-said. This silenced and silencing history appears an unfinished business of acculturation of the family, which started prior to four generations. Authors have been concluding that the issue of religious conversion is a critical point in the process of acculturation. They examine the counter move of loyalty to family values and driving force of assimilation making their story unspeakable.

The professional publicity of medical society of the 19th century was assured partly by the medical press partly by different associations. At the end of the century the scientific thinking's accent was put on the prevention, and as a result of this, the physicians' activity focused on informing the public. Contemporary physicians still believed in strong connection between science and everyday life, so they were convinced, that every single individual of the society might and should be addressed. The message this time was mediated mostly by printed media. This program of the medical society attempted to involve the school as well. Anyway, despite some successes, till the end of 19th century health education in schools hasn't been introduced. The oeuvre of Doctor Dubay was an excellent example of this process, since he was also convinced, that media was the possible tool of reaching his professional objectives. His main aim was to raise the level of Hungarian public health. Present article describes Dubay's struggle for using media on behalf of wet nurses, mothers and of their children.

The present article outlines the biography of the great Transylvanian surgeon József Brandt and appraises his professional work. After his medical training in Vienna and specialisation in surgery Brandt returned to Kolozsvár (now: Cluj/Romania) in 1867 to teach surgery and ophthalmology at the Medical-Surgical Institute of this town. As soon as the Royal Hungarian University in Kolozsvár was opened in 1872, Brandt was appointed as professor of the Department of Surgery. He was elected vice-dean of the medical school and rector of the university. More than 100 of his students specialized in surgery taught and mentored by the school-founding professor. Brandt retired in 1904. Brandt was the medical president of the first Kolozsvár Ambulance Service (1891) and the initiator, then director of the Red Cross Hospital in Kolozsvár (1895) where he worked until his death (1912). He is considered to be the first great surgeon in Transylvania, although he had to work under poor conditions, since the first modern surgical clinic was opened in the town only in 1899. Brandt was the first to perform successful ovariectomy in Transylvania (1869), and the second in Europe who performed nephrectomy (1873). He accepted Lister's antiseptic theory; in 1890 the university sent him to Berlin to study Koch's vaccine. The Appendix of the present article lists Brandt's assistants and students.

Sándor Cseresnyés born on 15th September 1786 was one of the physicians of the first half of 19th century who efficiently practised in several scopes of activity. Having finished his studies at the college of Sárospatak he undertook family tutorship. In the autumn of 1814 he enrolled in the Medical Faculty for University of Pest together with his friend László Ungvárnémeti-Tóth, a poet writing his poems in Hungarian and Greek. Besides being engaged in his studies he worked as a principal assistant at the eye-hospital of Ladies' Charity Association of Pest. In the autumn of 1818 he went to Vienna in order to obtain the medical certificate, however, in 1819 he was invited to go to county Somogy where he followed dominial doctor's activity until 1827. Meanwhile he finished his studies at Pest University in 1826. Utilizing his therapeutic experiences he wrote his medical dissertation on arthritis. He was appointed to chief medical officer of town Makó in 1827. The most part of the book which was the first comprehensive work of the Hungarian otological literature was written by him there. In 1831 at time of cholera-epidemic he practised so successfully in Horgos that not one single patient of his was lost. In 1832 he was appointed to a deputy chief physician of county Veszprém with a seat in Pápa. He established there a hospital for nursing of psychotic patients and people with suspected rabies. He was among the first physicians who performed surgical interventions under unaesthesia using ether. His written communications were published in the local professional journals, some of his less extensive books on 'healing of rabies and snake-bite' and on 'the bath of Ugod' were also published. Moreover, he compiled a book comprising historical, geographical and literary selections on 'Somló hill' being famous for its wine. He died in 1854. The Hungarian Society for Oto-Rhino-Laringology treasures his memory also by giving Cseresnyés-commemorative medal to its praiseworthy members.

After sketching the history of the regulation of pharmacies in Hungary and in Transylvania during the Middle Ages and the 16-17. centuries, author analyses the attempts of the regulation of Translyvanian pharmacies during the second part of the 18th century including official and civil proposals for inspection of pharmacies written in the 1750ies by eminent Transylvanian physicians and pharmacists. These proposals were based on very informative reports written by Mihály Felfalusi and József Zoltán--whose biographies are also attached and analysed here. Although these proposals--regarding their contents--mostly followed the scheme of the former Hungarian (and western) regulations, they contained lots of special local issues. The article--rich in details published first time--is illustrated by a supplement containing the original Latin texts of the reports and proposals and their Hungarian translations as well.

Despite the fact that the idea of expanding the medical faculties of Budapest and Kolozsvár was formed in the 1870s, it only came true in the 1910s. The XXXVI. Law of 1912 ensured establishing new faculties in Pozsony and Debrecen. The medical faculty of Erzsébet University in Pozsony opened in 1914. The first three professors, i.e. Lajos Bakay, Ferenc Herzog and Dezső Velits, who formerly worked as head physicians for the State Hospital in Pozsony and the Institute for Midwives, were appointed then. The appointment of further professors and launching the 3rd, 4th and 5th forms were delayed by the outbreak of the war until 1918. After the collapse of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy the newly formed Czechoslovakia dissolved the Hungarian university in 1919. The clinics and institutes of the medical faculty were passed to Czechoslovak ownership, the Hungarian lecturers were dismissed. It is worth mentioning though that Albert Szent-Györgyi and Carl Ferdinand Cori (both Nobel Prize winners) started their scientific career in Pozsony.

Vilmos Vajna was born in Transylvania. His medical education was completed at Franz Joseph University of Arts and Sciences in Kolozsvár. He studied dental sciences in Vienna and Pest. After returning to Kolozsvár he obtained his habilitation ("venia legendi") and then lectured dentistry at this university. After finishing his academic carrier he moved to Budapest in 1895. While he practiced dentistry in his private office he made several technical innovations, constructed new instruments, and invented new technologies. He was an active member of the public life of the dental community.

From the 1820's a great number of surgeons attended the Faculty of Medicine in Pest. The increasing number of the students was resulted by several circumstances. After the Napoleonic wars peregrination from Hapsburg lands was prohibited. The Faculty of Medicine in Pest however offerred a diploma for its students valid for the whole territory of the Hapsburg Empire. The lectures were held in Hungarian or German, in contrary to the exclusively Latin lectures for medical students. A shorter preliminary education was needed. After three years the student could get his degree Chirurgiae Magister or Chirurgus civilis--the length of studies depended on the pleriminary studies of the surgeon. The Faculty started only two courses, so the surgeons mostly repeated the second or both courses. Although these degrees proved to be inferior to the titles Doctor Medicinae or Doctor Chirurgiae, many students wanted to get it. In the beginning of this period, in 1825/1825 117 persons attended the first semesters of the German, and 59 of the Hungarian course. This growth reached its peak in the years of the cholera. In 1832/1833 255 person matriculated to the first class of the German and 148 to the Hungarian course. This new contagion damaged not only human lifes, but the popularity of the surgical education as well. The number of students began slowly decrease. Another reason for this decrease was the new possibility for peregrination from the 1830's. In 1846/1847 48 persons matriculated to the first German course, and 49 to the Hungarian, while in the second one their number was only 10 and 20. As we can see, the German course was more popular, here came students from the other parts of the Hapsburg Empire, especially Jews: from Moravia (160; 110 of them was Jew), Bohemia (134) or Galicia (178; 124 of them was Jew). Between 1825 and 1846 2618 surgeons matriculated to the Faculty of Pest, many of them however left it with or without doing their exams. 1854 students took every exam, but only 259 got his degree as Chirurgiae Magister in Pest, and 1049 as Chirurgiae Civilis. Presumably many students carried on their studies in Vienna. Although the Faculty of Medicine in Pest was less renowned, than the medical faculty of Vienna or Prague, it definitely played a remarkable role in the contemporary medical and surgical education of the Hapsburg Empire.