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Summary: Motivation: Civil servants are often seen as key actors responsible for systemic corruption in emerging economies. Yet, there is a dearth of empirical studies on what public officials think of bribery and corruption. Owing to the limitations of enrolling in‐service bureaucrats into research on the sensitive topic of bribery, the study tries to understand the perceptions of future bureaucrats. Purpose: The study is a novel attempt to analyse how the select candidates aspiring to join the highly competitive elite civil services in India respond to experimental bribery situations. What deters potential bribe‐takers from accepting bribes, and what do they think about corruption in public life? Methods and approach: The study employs mixed‐methods research to answer these questions. Experimental bribery games were administered to examine the impact of varying degrees of "punishment," "monitoring," and "public loss" and their relation to the varying "bribery amount." In addition, focus group discussions (FGDs) were conducted with these participants to explore the dynamics of corruption. Findings The findings suggest that high public loss and high severity of punishment were able to deter bribery even when the bribe was high. On the other hand, the impact of a high level of monitoring was only effective in cases where the bribe was low. FGDs revealed that social acceptance of corruption, and the low rate of convictions in corruption cases, are the main reasons for continuing corruption in the public sphere. Policy implications: The study suggests that in India and other countries in which corruption is systemic and socially accepted, it is imperative to move anti‐corruption policies away from their present fixation with strict monitoring to strict punishment. Monitoring alone without severe punishment is not sufficient. Corruption cases ought to have swift trials and a better rate of conviction. It is equally important to inculcate the values of social good and integrity in public life. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: Child undernourishment is a major challenge in India even though the government has, since 1975, been running the Integrated Child Development Services (ICDS), one of the largest programmes of this type in the world. Ever since its inception, this scheme has been marred by various governance challenges: widespread corruption, absenteeism and targeting problems, more visible in states like Bihar than in others. The ruling dispensation in Bihar has instituted major reforms to tackle these problems. These include regular inspection of service delivery centres, strict monitoring of funds, swift disciplinary action and vigilance through community participation. While these reforms are generally accepted as good in theory, research‐based empirical evidence of their impact on the ground is scarce. This article tries to fill this gap through an in‐depth case study of ICDS in Bihar. The findings indicate that, contrary to conventional thinking about good governance, the vigilance‐focused reforms along with community‐based monitoring have not been successful in curbing systemic corruption. The study concludes that alternative approaches are required to resolve the governance problems in ICDS. These include tackling the problems of understaffing and heavy workloads, and providing stronger incentives to the frontline service providers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

ABSTRACT The rural poor in India have long experienced corruption, exclusion from welfare schemes and the denial of rights. Critical accounts of development policy and practice advocate the need for pro-poor governance reforms as well as effective mobilization of the poor for exercising their rights and entitlements. However, there is a dearth of empirical work which examines the following questions. What are the dynamics of such mobilization strategies in the environment of pro-poor governance reforms? How do they affect local power relations from the perspective of the poorest social groups? And what are the challenges involved in sustaining struggles led by civil society organizations on behalf of the poorest and against petty corruption? This article addresses these questions in the context of a grassroots mobilization of Musahars (a Dalit caste group) in Bihar, one of the poorest provinces in India, which has recently initiated pro-poor governance reforms. It explains what has or hasn't worked (and why) for the Musahars, in terms of their dealings with public officials. The authors argue that pro-poor governance reforms and welfare schemes on their own are not sufficient; both grassroots mobilization and political will of the ruling dispensation are also necessary. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There are high hopes that digital tools can reduce constraints to livestock development, which in turn promises to alleviate poverty, improve food and nutrition security, and reduce environmental footprints. Yet, little systematic evidence exists on the state of digital livestock in low- and middle-income-countries. Thus, it remains unclear whether such high hopes are justified. Focusing on India and Kenya, we aim to better understand, among others, the degree of technological sophistication of the digital tools used, the types of value chains and constraints addressed, the types of business models pursued, and more broadly the opportunities and challenges of digital tools for agricultural development. We combine a review of digital tools in India and Kenya with three "on-the-ground" case studies: Herdman , a tool for Indian dairy organizations working with small-scale livestock keepers, facilitating data collection and supervision of field agents; Farmtree , a tool supporting medium-scale livestock keepers in India to manage their herds, and iCow , an e-extension tool for farmers in Kenya. For the review, we develop a conceptual framework that distinguishes different types of tools: 1) "simple digital tools", providing generic information, 2) "smart digital tools", providing tailored information based on data entered by livestock keepers, 3) "smart digital tools", using data from sensors, 4) "digital tools for value chains", enabling the integration of value chain actors, 5) "automated digital systems", which are coupled with robots, allowing for automation. Digital tools provide many new options to address constraints to livestock development. So far, most tools are "simple digital tools", followed by "smart digital tools" using manual data and tools for value chains. Such tools that only require smartphone ownership are the "sweet spot" for supporting digital livestock development; however, even embodied "smart digital tools" using sensors can be of relevance for small-scale livestock keepers with appropriate organizational models. Most digital tools focus on dairy production, suggesting neglect of other types of livestock, and there are few tools for pastoralists. The conceptual framework as well as many of the lessons learned are of relevance to understanding the contribution of digital tools to livestock development - and agricultural development more broadly - in low- and middle-income-countries. While digital tools are no silver bullets – and come with some new challenges such as data security and sovereignty concerns - they are likely to become a key pillar of agricultural and livestock development in the near future. [Display omitted] • There are high hopes but little evidence concerning the potential of digital agriculture, i.e. regarding livestock • We take stock of digital livestock tools in India and Kenya and present three "one-the-ground" case studies • Digital tools provide new options for livestock development, i.e. "smart" tools providing tailored advice using farm data • Concerns arise on data sovereignty, digital divide, and changing power relations, calling for governance solutions. • Digital tools are no silver bullets but will become key pillars of agricultural and livestock development [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

• Uber for tractor models promise to improve farmers access to mechanization. • We study two digital pioneers: Hello Tractor (Nigeria) and EM3 (India). • We examine how they influence the attributes of transaction costs. • The tools mainly benefit service providers, i.e. larger ones. • Enabling environments are key to harness the potential for smallholders. Digital tools hold great promise to promote agricultural transformation and benefit smallholder farmers in the developing world. One such tool is Uber for tractors , which aims to enable farmers to access tractor hire services in a way that is deemed similar to the Uber service for ride-hailing. While widely praised, Uber for tractors has not yet been rigorously analyzed. How does it work in practice? And what is its potential to reduce the transaction costs of tractor service provision, both for tractor owners and for smallholders who use tractor services? To answer these questions, we present case studies of two companies that apply digital tools in support of tractor hire: Hello Tractor in Nigeria and EM3 Agri-Services in India. A transaction costs economics framework was developed to identify how Uber for tractor tools can, in theory, influence the attributes of service hire transactions and, thus, reduce transaction costs. For the empirical analysis, a mixed-methods approach was applied involving approximately 400 respondents and comprising net-maps (a participatory mapping tool), focus group discussions, interviews with tractor owners and other stakeholders, and a survey among farmers. Our results show that the Uber for tractor models have indeed the potential to reduce transaction costs for service providers, in particular the owners of several tractors, by enabling the monitoring of tractors and operators through GPS devices. Farmers who access services have, so far, only indirectly benefitted from the new digital tools, because they still relied on "analog" solutions - booking agents and phone calls - rather than a smartphone app to request services. Overall, the paper shows that Uber for tractors is a pioneering concept, but investment in enabling conditions, such as digital literacy and network coverage, is required to harness the full potential of such digital innovations for smallholder farmers in the developing world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

• Innovation platform participation linked to improved dairy marketing and livestock feeding. • Dairy innovations associated with enhanced dairy yield and income. • Women's involvement in innovation platforms maintained focus on important gender issues. • Utility of innovation platforms linked to diversity of actors and quality of follow-up. Innovation platforms (IP) are increasingly used in agricultural development to address complex issues which require diverse actors to work jointly to identify constraints and implement solutions. Documenting outcomes associated with the use of IPs and identifying factors linked to positive results are important if performance is to be optimized. This study investigates changes in smallholder dairy production and marketing associated with the establishment of a series of innovation platforms in Uttarakhand, Northern Himalayan region, India. We studied the links between innovation platform processes and outcomes using systematic documentation of meetings and interventions along with a post-intervention assessment which compared households from villages with and without the innovation platform intervention. We found that households participating in IPs showed increased dairy milk sales, increased income and improved breeding and feeding practices. Factors associated with these outcomes were the process of issue identification, the diversity of actors participating in meetings and the quality of follow-up on the agreed action plans. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]