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Within the context of a misogynistic political establishment, the Iranian state's approach to women has become increasingly securitised in recent years. The Islamic Republic state, in fact, sees women as one of its biggest security threats, further deepening its securitisation of women and women's issues. This is most evident in relation to the official imposition of mandatory hijab, which vividly symbolises state ideology. The securitisation of women has occurred within the context of pervasive state misogyny and other officially sanctioned cultural notions that have accorded women second-class positions in the Islamic Republic's society. Despite its expansive system of state-sanctioned legal, political, ideological and cultural misogyny, however, the Islamic Republic has been unable to counter women's nonconformity to its dictates. Developments concerning and led by women themselves have challenged the official misogyny and its supporting ideological narrative. The state's inability and unwillingness to show ideological flexibility in this regard, and women's determined refusal to comply with the state, have combined to transform Iranian women into a national security threat to the state, one that it has so far been unable to effectively counter. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines Iran's internal identity conflicts and its strategy to expand Shia influence in the Middle East. Iran's growing confidence in its regional power stems from its perceived victory in the prolonged confrontation with the United States and the belief that its constructive role will soon gain recognition. However, Iran faces internal ideological rifts as the younger generation challenges the conservative regime, exemplified by recent hijab protests. Simultaneously, Iran has been fostering Shia militant groups in Syria, Iraq, Lebanon, and Yemen to project its influence and engage in shadow warfare against Israel and Saudi Arabia. The escalating Iran-Israel conflict and Iran's involvement in the Syrian civil war highlight its geopolitical maneuvers. The study argues that there is an interplay between Iran's internal politicized identity crises and its external power projection, as the regime seeks to consolidate its legitimacy by emphasizing anti-Western and anti-Israeli sentiments. However, this strategy faces a dilemma, as resources allocated to suppressing domestic dissent and maintaining regional influence may further strain Iran's economy and exacerbate internal instability. The changing regional dynamics, such as the U.S.—Iran nuclear deal and the Arab-Israeli normalization, also pose challenges to Iran's strategic calculus. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present study conducts a comprehensive survey of the evolving discourse surrounding women's competitive sport in Iran from 1979 to 2020. This research identifies three distinctive discursive sequences delineating the trajectory of women's sport within this timeline. The initial phase, termed 'Suspending Discourse' emerged during the 1980s due to the disruptive effects of the Islamic Revolution and the Iran-Iraq War, resulting in the cessation of women's competitive sport in the country. Subsequently, the 'Modality Discourse' evolved after the late 1980s, characterized by efforts to align women's sport with Islamic regulations. Noteworthy accomplishments during this period include the establishment of the Islamic Women's Games, gender-segregated competitions, and increased international participation due to the acceptance of Islamic veils for Muslim female athletes by some international sports federations. Lastly, the 'Discourse of Conditional Growth' signifies the remarkable advancements in women's sports, notably in national team championships and the development of semi-professional sports leagues since the 1990s, despite persisting challenges. This study unveils the transformative phases of discourse, illustrating the progression of women's competitive sports in Iran. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The protests that erupted across Iran in 2022 after the death of a woman arrested for noncompliance with a headscarf requirement were not only about religious dress codes. They were a culmination of years of growing discontent over broader questions involving the place of women in the Islamic Republic and other grievances about the reach of an overbearing state and perceived social and political injustices. The erosion of civil society has made it difficult to sustain the protests' momentum, as the state moves to co-opt businesses and the public into enforcing its decrees, but the uprising is part of a longer-term, nonlinear process of dissent-driven change in Iran. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay examines the protests and movements of Iranian women, focusing on the main themes and issues that have emerged over the past few years. It discusses current protests with women at the vanguard, the progress and setbacks in their feminist struggles, and the present status of women's rights and the Iranian women's movement. In addition, it examines the Iranian government's and society's responses to the protests and movements by Iranian women, leading to an appreciation of their historical context, enduring inequalities, and future prospects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the wake of the death of Jina (Mahsa) Amini, a powerful image emerged: women in Iran defiantly casting aside their hijabs and rallying under the slogan of "Woman, Life, Freedom." This paper explores and reflects upon what I call, following Verónica Gago, a feminist strike in Iran that organizes disorderly and cross-sectoral withdrawals of women from structures that exploit and assault them and restores their bargaining power and agency. Through the analytical perspective of intersectionality, this paper inquires into how the political underpinnings of the gendered apparatus in the Islamic regime of Iran have propelled the imagination of a common body among the diverse array of women. Further, it scrutinizes how the #WomanLifeFreedom uprising unveils a feminist strike and what it entails. This paper aims to show how the feminist strike in Iran expands the notion of strike as a tool against the conditions of work and showcases its all-encompassing basis against living conditions and restrictions on freedom. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Western scholarship is particularly concerned with the intentionality behind women's dress and grooming in Islamic societies. In everyday life, however, women manipulate their available repertoires to meet a variety Of needs and purposes. Impulses toward resistance are typically intertwined with other motives and messages. Interviews with urban women in contemporary Iran reveal that trendy styles Of dress such as wearing mantels without buttons and fucking scarves behind ears perform autonomy, comfort, and a rejection of the dominant model of hijab imposed by authorities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The international community continues to observe the publication and media coverage of human rights concerns in Iran, as manifested through protests and anti-hijab sentiment. The Iranians' call for justice reverberates loudly and is frequently sparked by concerns surrounding the hijab, which has spawned a multitude of human rights issues involving detention, prosecution, and court misconduct, breaching the country's constitution. Iran, a nation whose former state religion was replaced with another during the Sasanian Period due to invasion and concessions, is statistically deficient in religiosity and identity, potentially as a result of this post-colonial conflict. Today, informal internet bloggers discuss whether Islam is the origin of clothing restrictions for women or not, and if Zoroastrian Persia still maintained religious dress laws for women, or if it had comparable dress requirements regarding women's modesty. Obviously, it should be determined if these two religious nations had significantly different policies, as more thorough and broad comparisons and contrasts are possible; therefore, I opted to investigate this topic. Additionally, I wish to emphasize how flagrantly Iran's laws and legal and prison systems are violated, which is directly related to hijab concerns, as well as the consequent profiling of and discrimination against individuals who chose not to veil. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The murder of Mahsa Jina Amini has galvanized a movement for women's rights and freedom in Iran. Translating political movements and their slogans is often a daunting task, as identities, histories, and struggles are not easily translatable cross-culturally. This movement, too, has provoked frenzied sentimentalism and "feel good" social media activism from celebrities and politicians. From celebrities cutting their hair on social media, to politicians and right-wing activists and leaders denouncing the Islamic regime, the focus of the protest seems to have been lost in the west. The discourse in the west is lacking a critical analysis of the politics of veiling and unveiling in western countries. This commentary points out that the movement spearheaded by Iranian women and schoolgirls is against state coercion. It further argues that reframing the discourse to focus on the protest as being against state control, instead of hijab, will be a more useful way forward for feminist movement globally. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Islamic fundamentalism believes that in order to get rid of the problems in Islamic societies and achieve a just and moral society, we have to return to the basic principles and beliefs and behaviour of Islam. The idea, although is minority but has been emerging in different parts of Islamic world, meanwhile it appears in diverse forms and aspects. This article seeks to study a new aspect of Islamic fundamentalism. The research conducted by thematic analysis method among Sunni Kurds in Iran. The samples were selected by purposive sampling method and data were collected through semi-structured interviews. The findings show that they try to implement Islamic extremist beliefs and behaviours as a way of life in their individual and social lives, rather than being extremist and military pragmatists. In their everyday life, they emphasize on the hijab (Islamic code of dressing) of women and girls, avoiding bank loans because of its usury, very limited and controlled personal and family relationships, resistance to modern lifestyles and other beavers which are considered as Islamic lifestyle, as they understand it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present study aims to identify the societal implications of the first-ever Iranian female medalist in the Olympics to date. We explored the meanings given to Kimia Alizadeh's success within Iranian society. We collected data through an examination of online news agencies and social networking sites using Leximancer software, a computer-assisted program for qualitative content analysis. This analysis uncovered four main themes: 'women's sports and the dynamics of local-global policy', 'hope and determination', 'pride in light of hijab ', and 'meaningful and historic medal'. It was concluded that the societal implications of this medal-winning are more important than the quality of the medal itself within Iranian society. We also suggest assessing Iranian sportswomen within their own socio-cultural context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article "The Anger That Began to Dance" describes the ongoing women's protests in Iran since 1979. It emphasizes the role of women as victims of misogynistic politics and as leaders of the protests. The article mentions various forms of resistance, such as removing, burning, and waving the headscarf. It also highlights the increasing number of casualties and arrests related to the protests. The support of older women and famous female artists for the movement is emphasized. The article describes the political, legal, and religious oppression of women in Iran and the development of the mandatory headscarf after the 1979 revolution. It also addresses the government's pressure and resistance against social changes. The intensification of the hijab requirement and conflicts between the morality police and women are also mentioned. The protests, which focus on women's emancipation, continue. [Extracted from the article]

While a large body of the literature confirms the existence of diverse styles of the hijab and attributes this diversity as a consequence of religious authorities' socialization mechanisms across the Islamic world, the literature still lacks sufficiently fresh research-based evidence to assess the actual effects of these official mechanisms on individuals' perceptions towards the hijab. This crucial research gap is the central focus of this study and I present research-based evidence in this paper to contribute to filling this gap from a demographic perspective. Generally speaking, the results of this analysis have shown that the social perceptions on the hijab are substantially affected by the main demographic determinants. Of them, age composition and education play overwhelmingly a more important role: while the high-educated younger cohorts hold substantially modest and liberal perceptions towards the hijab, the opposite applies to the low-educated older cohorts. In sum, the results of this analysis not only cast a revolutionary doubt on the success of the authorities' long-term religious bombardment strategy but also argue that such a failure will become increasingly a more visible observation due to the country's demographics particularly a growing university educated youth bulge fuelled by the global modern communication technologies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Presenting human bodies in public space against the will of the state is a well-known strategy to protest. Indeed the presence of the body as a materiality bears meaning. Furthermore if the body is doing an act for the eyes of the spectator it has an explanation therefore a performance happens. As Judith Butler claims the body is a manner of doing, dramatizing and reproducing a historical situation. Meanwhile it is subjectivated by culture, power structures and its social environment. In a public protest performing bodies(body) get connected to each other and form a resistant performativity. This enables the subject to vitalize possibilities for social transformation and objection with dominating power structures. However there are groups of humans who are not eligible to appear as subjects. When the subject is defined by elimination then performance is a kind of resistance that reclaims agency and power. Since the Islāmization of Iran revolution(1979), Iranian women have managed to protest in four particular mass gatherings to resist socio-political oppression related to their gender and compulsory hijab. The very first was A five-day protest march starting on March 8, 1979 to prevent legalization of compulsory hijab. The second one was a peaceful gathering of women's rights defenders in June 2006 in Tehran's central business district that ended with violent objection from the state and the third is a solo performance of an Iranian woman known as the Girl of Enghelab Street on 27 December 2017. Aesthetics of these Performances vary according to different strategic and artistic choices. This Article tries to define and explain the surrounding environment and socio-political basis which lead to formation of these different constructions. It studies the performative strategies of these public gatherings of powerful subjects with a common object: social equality through a nonviolence subversive performance. It is essential to mention that by the time of this article's publication, the very last nationwide uprising against compulsory Hijab with the Manifest "Woman, Life, Freedom" is ongoing in Iran. It is ignited by the brutal murder of Jina 'Mahsa' Amini while in the custody of the moral police on 16th September 2022. This article has been submitted by May 2021, hence these developments have not been considered. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article focuses on the My Stealthy Freedom movement, an anti-mandatory hijab movement in Iran that is organized as an online movement. We explore the utility of a tactical approach for explaining the movement's pace of insurgency. We employ a conceptual repertoire focused upon the political process model's core concepts of tactical innovation and tactical adaptations. We supplement these older concepts with the recently proposed concept of tactical freeze and propose an additional concept of tactical hashtags. We gather as a dataset through text-mining techniques the Instagram posts of the movement's founder and the reactions of people to those posts. The data include the number of posts, "likes," and comments in response to movement hashtags created between 2015 and 2019. We conclude that the movement's emergence and early growth were enhanced by its tactical innovations, which heavily relied on hashtag activism. We discover that a specific type of hashtag—tactical hashtags—was of particular importance. The movement was unsuccessful, however, in changing the government's pro-hijab policy. In its tactical adaptations, the government passed more hijab regulations and stiffened penalties for resistance. The movement was undercut by these tactical adaptations and by a tactical freeze wherein it failed to develop tactical innovations capable of surmounting government repression. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

From time immemorial, the issue of covering men and women has been one of the challenges facing governments and governments. A quick look at the history of Iran shows that even before Islam, veiling was a common objection among women. However, the issue of hijab still has its pros and cons in Iran. One of the crucial periods in the issue of hijab and covering is related to the two governments of the current century, namely the Pahlavi government and the Islamic Republic of Iran. In the course of historical studies of the Pahlavi government and the Islamic Revolution regarding women, we come to an important issue such as women's hijab. Accordingly, in this study, this important issue has been considered. In this research, the method of document study has been used to collect information, so that by referring to books, articles and reputable scientific sites; The history of hijab from the late Qajar period until now has been studied. The evolution of the way women dressed reached the Pahlavi from Qajar to important events such as the discovery of hijab by Reza Khan and the forced discovery of hijab and the subsequent optionalization of this important in the second Pahlavi era and then the uprising of the Iranian people and demand to return to hijab and feet in the Islamic Revolution It is one of the important issues that has been addressed in this study and in this regard, the role of political, social and religious issues in the process of changing the hijab through the veil and hijab of women in Iranian society during the Pahlavi period to the Islamic Republic. This research has been done in a descriptive historical way. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When Reza Khan ruled, he ruled the country with a harsh rule in which he tried to impose his control and tried to modernize the Iranian society. He issued several resolutions to alienate Iran, the most important of which was the law of revealing the headscarf and banning women from wearing headscarves. In particular, the scholars of Najaf issued decisions and fatwas to force the shah to retreat, but the shah did not retreat but worked to fight clerics and denied some and imprisoned others. Both al-Isfahani and the nai'i urged the Iranian people to stand up E against Reza Khan and actually sit-ins and demonstrations have spread everywhere and the incident was the essence of shad accidents that have raised Najaf scientists strongly, and they keep on rallying people against the government and had Kashani and Haeri positions led approaching for the government of satisfaction that was resigned after about the inability of the country's administration [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The hijab (veil) is the traditional head covering worn by Muslim women throughout the world. In the West, the hijab has come to symbolize an assumed institutionalized oppression of all women in the Muslim world. Many outside Western observers believe that women who wear a veil are forced to wear it, whether by families, husbands, or governments, and examples of the extremes--Afghanistan, Iran, and Saudi Arabia--are often considered the norm for all Muslim countries. In reality, the situation is more complex. Using a survey done at the Gulf University for Science & Technology in Kuwait in 2013 (published as "The Veil in Kuwait, Gender, Fashion, Identity"), not only religious concerns but also social and cultural considerations, personal taste and identity, geographic location, socio-economic level, and occasionally conscious rejections of Western influence can all play a part in the decision whether or not to wear a veil. In this preliminary study, I consider this survey as a case study, together with the theory of post-colonial feminism, to find a more nuanced and realistic understanding about the hijab as well as contributing to the development of lessWestern-oriented definitions of feminism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper focuses on FIFA's ‘ hijab ban’ crisis, or the disqualification of the Iranian women's national soccer team from the 2012 Olympics because the players wore a head cover. Utilizing Arab, Muslim and anti-racist feminist theories, I analyze a colonialist and Islamist patriarchal alliance built on two gendering and racializing logics. I refer to these overlapping logics as ‘double hijabophobia.’ Both FIFA and Muslim-majority nations used medicalized and cultural notions of the hijab , safety and dress laws. Double hijabophobia denies Muslim women players their bodily integrity and excludes them from world football. This analysis also recognizes Muslim women athletes who are working to overcome colonialist and Islamist racializing and gendering logics in sport. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Proper hejab observance has long been an important issue to political-religious conservatives in Iran who, in recent years, have relied on metaphorical language to persuade Iranian women to dress modestly in public. The present paper, based on Kövecses's (2015) account of metaphor in context, explores the role of contextual factors involved in the formation of hejab linguistic metaphors used in 56 pro-hejab billboards and posters. Data analysis indicates that the moral and social status of women are depicted as being determined by, or correlated with, their degree of veiling. On that basis, properly covered up women are shown to be the recipients of very positive metaphorical conceptualizations (as PEARLS, FLOWERS, and ANGELS), whereas immodestly dressed women are negatively pictured as being subject to sexual objectification (as UNWRAPPED EDIBLES). Moreover, the HEJAB IS A PROTECTIVE COVER is shown to be the metaphor instantiated in many of the billboards and posters. The protective function of hejab is highlighted by conceptualizing corrupt men as FLIES and DEVILS. Finally, the metaphorical patterns represent the contextual role of political and religious ideology, key cultural concepts, and show entrenched conventional conceptual metaphors and metonymies in the production of novel metaphors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This dialogic ethnography shares the personal narratives of three women, each of a distinct generation, living in Iran. It looks at their performances of Iran's legal mandate to cover their bodies and hair. In particular, this paper reveals how they narrate their decision to conservatively cover as an act of resistance. Presented in three distinct but interdependent parts, the first section brings us into field, introduces the women and operationalizes the term hijab. The second part talks about the challenges and dangers of conducting research in Iran, in particular of gathering narratives that explore the institutional mechanisms used to ensure a disciplined following and censorship. This section also operationalizes storytelling as a performative act, and positions the women as agents of action. The final part forwards the women's personal narratives on hijab. The overall goal of this paper is to show that the intertextuality and intersubjectivity of hijab render it as functionally indeterminate. Hijab has as many uses as there are ideological and institutional powers that can take hold of it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Traditionally, Iranian women's use of dress and make-up has been an arena -- sometimes a battleground -- for identity negotiation. The present study questions the current over-emphasis on identity and the prevalent tendency to look for identity meanings in the use of hejab (veiling) and cosmetics.The results of fifteen interpretive in-depth interviews with young adult women in Iran reveal that these individuals' make-up practices are largely associated with a total immersion in the experiential, creative aspects of make-up use and with ways to uplift their tired spirits in a monotonous environment. Make-up routines provide these women with opportunities to escape from boredom and immerse themselves in the playful fantasies of the world of cosmetics. Despite facing various challenges, including frequent stigmatization on account of their use of make-up, the informants in the study derive high levels of satisfaction from their make-up practices. The study establishes that changing socio-cultural dynamics give rise to new forms of consumption experiences in contemporary society and calls for further investigation of such experiences in women's everyday lives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research article explores the ways in which self-recognition as a footballer, in terms of ethnicity, along with cultural values and religious adherence have impacted on the identities of members of the British Muslim Women's Football Team and their choice to compete at the Women's Islamic Games (WIG) in Iran in 2005. The article offers new information on an emerging research area, highlighting issues previously missing from accounts of girls and women's football in the UK. The article adopts a social constructionist framework in unravelling the experiences and perceptions of the British Muslim Women's Football Team and explores how identities are shaped and reinforced through playing football. The research findings of this study are based on five years of participant observation and 16 semi-structured interviews with members of the British Muslim Women's Football Team. Through a focus on interview transcript material this article seeks to entangle the complexity of gender, ethnicity and Islam and the ways in which these factors impact on the football identities of Muslim women in Britain. The experiences and perceptions of the players in the British Muslim Women's Football Team are located within British football, and importantly, the article investigates whether there is room for the hijab in British football. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the use of social media technologies in response to the June 2009 post-election protests in Iran. It references cultural critic Lauren Berlant's theory of the intimate public. Particular focus is given to diasporic Iranians' reactions to the protests and to images of Neda Agha-Soltan, a young woman who was killed during the protests. According to the author, the diasporic Iranian community claimed Agha-Soltan as a symbol for Iranian women and Iranian independence only after the release of a photograph which showed her without a hijab. It is suggested that users of the social networking site Facebook were only able to identify with Agha-Soltan once they could see her as similar to themselves. The role of emotion in social media is also discussed.

The article presents a study on the public representation of women specifically on the manner of presence, action limitations and role autonomy in Tehran, Iran. It mentions the dress legislation of some societies wherein the self-representation codes are publicly expressed and are being related to the country's women dress codes. It refers to the Tehrani women's hijab, badhijab and chadori. It mentions the methodology used for the study by interviewing young women of Tehran, ranging from nineteen to twenty-nine, with a response indicating dress deployment as a constructed form of social representation.

This article examines the history of the veil and its changing social meanings in Iran. Embedded in the meaning of the veil is the erotic meaning of female hair. The symbiotic relations of the ‘cover’ (the veil) and the ‘covered’ (female hair) are central to this history. Iranian political regimes have assigned to the veil meanings corresponding to their own ideologies. Through imposed unveiling and re-veiling, these regimes have constructed an ideal image of Iranian women and in turn of Iran as a modern or an Islamic country. This essentialized singular image has led to the empowerment of some women while marginalizing others and violating their rights. Re-veiling has served as an impetus for the politicization of Iranian women, and they continue to contest the social meaning of the veil and protest its imposition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With the advent of Islamic nationalist resurgence from the early 1970s, many young women used the hijab as a symbol of resistance against Western imperialism and its cultural ideologies. The imposition of the hijab, soon after the revolution, led many feminists to signify the ideological weight of the hijab that entails a moral obligation for women. Data for this article are based on semi-structured interviews with some Iranian women, veiled and unveiled, and on the author's own observations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on Azar Nafisi's book "Reading Lolita in Tehran: A Memoir in Books." The book analyzes the role of women in the Islamic Revolutionary State of Iran, which suppresses the establishment of individual female identity. Details related to the reduction of women's personal, political, cultural, legal and social rights under the current regime are discussed.

Hijab -- covering of a Muslim woman's body -- is the most visible Islamic mandate. For a century it has been a major site of ideological struggle between traditionalism and modernity, and a yardstick for measuring the emancipation or repression of Muslim women. In recent decades hijab has become an arena where Islamist and secular feminist rhetoric have clashed. For Islamists, hijab represents their distinct identity and their claim to religious authenticity: it as a divine mandate that protects women and defines their place in society. For secular feminists, hijab represents women's oppression: it is a patriarchal mandate that denies women the right to control their bodies and to choose what to wear. The clash has been particularly strident in Iran, where the state has twice intervened with legislation to an extent that no other Muslim country has experienced. Iran, too, has been a prime site for the emergence of 'Islamic feminist' discourses that speak of hijab not as a 'duty,' but as a 'right,' and as a social rather than a religious mandate, and finds juristic arguments to support this position. This article traces the genealogy of this new juristic position from notions of hijab in classical Islamic jurisprudence (fiqh). It documents how jurisprudential positions and notions of hijab in Iran evolved in response to socio-political factors. It concludes by highlighting wider implications of the new juristic position on hijab for establishing common ground between secular feminist and Islamic discourses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]