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This article explores the relations between Iran and Israel from their initial strategic alliance as non-Arab countries, thanks to cooperation on common interests, through the deterioration of this alliance and the emergence of rivalry in the context of the Cold War, to the Lebanon War in 2006. It aims to understand the background of this conflict, its strategic impacts and implications regarding the hybrid threat posed by the strengthening of Hezbollah as a quasi-state army with the backing of Iran. Despite not sharing common borders and, consequently, having no territorial disputes, the 2006 Lebanon War was the first war between Israel and Iran, and has been a determining factor in the evolution of hybrid threats in the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay discusses Ben-Meir's proposal for a confederation and examines both the disadvantages and advantages that such arrangements can offer Israeli and Palestinians and the region in general. Briefly, the confederation proposal suggests gradual agreed-upon political, economic, military, and sociocultural arrangements that will produce a new set of relationships among governments and people in these three societies. I argue that the realpolitik approach that permeates this proposal is certainly useful as an initial step toward a reduced level of violence and de-escalate conflicts. However, it falls short of building trustful relationships and moving people in the direction of healing and reconciliation. There is no doubt that the idea of a confederation as an arrangement to transform the Israeli–Palestinian conflict carries the seeds for a holistic and transformative solution to deeply divided communities and a deep-rooted conflict. However, there are several limitations to Ben-Meir's proposal that require significant additional deliberation and should lead to further modification if its core ideas are to be accepted and endorsed by both Israelis and Palestinians. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present article considers the viability of a confederation between Israel and the Palestinian Authority with Jordan as a realistic solution to the ongoing conflict between Israeli Jews and Palestinians. It presents the background and the course of the Israeli–Palestinian conflict, with a description of the present situation in order to understand the possible solutions to the conflict. I also explore several ideas of how to peacefully resolve the conflict that is entertained at present. A special focus is on the proposal of Alon Ben-Meir (2022) about building a confederation delineated in the Spring issue of this journal. Thus, in the second part, the concept of confederation is described and three barriers to its implementation are elaborated. The first discusses the approach of presenting a rational plan, whereas in reality, participants in conflict develop a sociopsychological repertoire that serves often as a barrier to the solution. The second comment elaborates on the complex nature of reconciliation that cannot be required as a necessary precondition for the solution of the conflict. The third comment pertains to the asymmetry of the parties in the Israeli–Palestinian conflict that is a serious barrier to the implementation of the phases of the proposed confederation. Finally, I describe briefly the different proposals that are on the table at present and evaluate their feasibility. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay offers a discussion and critique of Alon Ben-Meir's (2022) proposal entitled, "The Case for an Israeli-Palestinian-Jordanian Confederation: Why Now and How?" Incorporating elements of other viewpoints and prior proposals to add nuance, I explore Ben-Meir's concerted attempt to think past the exemplary two-state model for settling the Palestine and Israel conflict and to introduce thoughts on how policy makers and common actors can apply a confederal system later on. Given the entrenched one-state reality, I argue that the liberation of Palestinians through emancipation in a solitary popularity-based nation is the most thoughtfully clear option in contrast to many years of failed endeavors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Humania del Sur: Revista de Estudios Latinoamericanos, Africanos y Asiáticos is the property of Humania del Sur. Estudios Latinoamericanos Africanos y Asiaticos and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Relaciones Internacionales is the property of Facultad de Ciencias Politicas y Sociales and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Relações Internacionais is the property of Relacoes Internacionais and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)