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This paper examines whether Japan is emerging as a “normal” great power able to use military power as freely as other great powers do. Since its establishment, the U.S.-Japan alliance seems to have strengthened overtime. Among the postwar prime ministers ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the early 1980’s, the Soviet threat in Asia was publicized and Tokyo’s need to increase contribution to the U.S.-Japan alliance was emphasized. At that time, Japanese universities rushed to establishing International Relations departments. System level had an impact on the focus of teaching and research in Japanese universities. Even tough the field of International Relations holds both “low facilities” and “higher facilities” perspectives, what stands out lately in the study of International Relations in Japan is the one close to “higher facilities.” While 2007 marks 60th anniversary of atomic bombs devastated Horoshima and Nagasaki, “lower facilities” aspect of International Relations has not yet prevailed and been suppressed by “higher facilities” aspect. To make a situation worse, Japanese politics is about to give “higher facilities” aspect of International Relations another big push. Prime Minister Shinzo Abe recently set up an advisory panel which will study the issue of Japan’s right to collective self-defense. At the same time, he is moving toward revising Article 9 of the Japanese Constitution. The panel gathered by Prime Minister Abe consists of 13 members, mainly of people who support the concepts. It appears to be a rigged race with a foregone conclusion. Majority of the members is university professors. Generally professors believe that being chosen as a member of the government, it gives them prestige outside the universities and in turn gain more respect in the universities. Consciously or unconsciously, these professors are serving to make Abe’s wish come true. However, eventually they might regret what they had done was a political act which delimited political imagination and political transformation. By using Prime Minister Abe’s group as a case study, this paper sheds a light on the crisis of the Japanese universities today. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How effective leader can exercise his/her leadership depends on the support of people. The best indicator of the support of people is public opinion of the nation. This paper examines the relations between effectiveness of leadership and the support of public opinion and its impact on foreign policy in Japan since Koizumi administration. During Koizumi era, how did he utilize the support of public opinion when he formulated Japan's foreign policy after 911? Succeeding to Koizumi, Prime Minister Shinzo Abe is now moving toward the revision of Article 9 of the Constitution to allow Japan to impair the inherent right of individual and collective self-defense. Can he successfully revise the Constitution? Can he utilize the support of the public opinion like his predecessor? How does Abe’s policy sextant influence Japan's foreign policy? What kind of impact does his policy have on Asian countries and U.S.-Japan alliance? Having these questions in mind, this paper compares and analyzes leadership, foreign policy and public opinion in Japan between Koizumi and Abe administrations ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How should we teach International Relations in the aftermath of 911 and the war with Iraq? Does the swift victory of the war against Iraq symbolize the American answer to those responsible for 911? America won the war, so the case settled. In fact, the question concerning 911 is about to fade away in front of the victory of the war. For However, even so, it is still critical to think through 911 and the war with Iraq in the classroom of International Relations. Without this effort, it will be difficult to contemplate how the rest of the world should act in the era of America’s unilateralism and neoconservatism. At the same time, dealing with 911 and the victory of the war against Iraq will also provide students in the classroom with the opportunity to cultivate their media literacy. For example, comparing the views and programs of the Fox News Networks which had repeatedly called the U.S. forces as our forces in their broadcast and those of other networks, will challenge students’ beliefs and understanding of the events and the world. In this paper, I would like to accomplish two objectives. First, I would like to present a survey of course outlines of Introduction to International Relations at major universities in Japan and explore how scholars in Japan incorporate the impact of 911 and the war against Iraq in their courses. The results will be quite instructive because it should show how well Japanese professors incorporate the latest world affairs into their teaching, and also how their preferences or beliefs influence the content of their courses. Then, based on the findings, I will create one semester class of Introduction to International Relations, which covers the impact of 911 and the war against Iraq, and also touches upon the problem of media literacy, by including two recent videos; Why Us? An Insightful Look at the 9/11 Tragedy and What Makes the U.S. a Target (IIMCR) and The Long Road to War (WGBH). By the time of the conference, I will be able to share students’ evaluation of the class for review. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The American scholars might argue that Gaiatsu still plays an important role in the U.S.-Japan alliance in the aftermath of 911. However, the Constructivist’s analysis will show Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi’s trauma and his complacency are the key factors and weigh more than Gaiatsu in the current U.S.-Japan alliance. It will also mean that what the U.S. and Japan seem to enjoy might not be there once Prime Minister Koizumi stepping down and Japan will not be able to deliver what the U.S. expects. In the aftermath of 911, the U.S.-Japan alliance immediately faced the problem of show the flag incident, but it did not become too big a stumbling block between Washington and Tokyo after all. Washington owed big to Japanese Prime Minister Koizumi. His trauma concerning the Gulf War and his guts against Hashimoto, his enemy in the LDP, paved a way for Washington’s Gaiatsu (outside pressure) strategy to work. In face of the U.S. and British actions against Iraq, Prime Minister Koizumi staunchly supported their actions even without the U.N. Security Council’s resolutions. On the surface, his decision signaled Japan’s departure from its postwar diplomacy, was welcomed by President George W. Bush, Jr. As a token of appreciation, during the recent bilateral summit, President Bush invited Prime Minister Koizumi for the first time to sit in on a secret meeting of the CIA. On the surface, as Shinzo Abe, Japan’s Deputy Chief Cabinet Secretary of Japan, secretary of the cabinet stated, In the century and a half since (Commodore Matthew) Perry came to Japan, Japan-U.S. relations have probably never been better. However, in reality, to the constructivists, Japan’s attitude toward the alliance has not changed at all; a dependent and blind follower. Otherwise, Japan should have made its position clearly and opted to turn the cold shoulder to the United States when the U.S. and Britain decided to act without the U.N. security resolutions. What Japan has done since 1945 is to go with the flow of the United States. Washington has no intention to comment on Japan’s action as long as Japan is in her side. However, as a result, Japan has not made an effort to develop an independent spirit and historical understanding. Dependence does not lead to mutual trust and respect. It is high time for Japan to have a realistic look at history to derive lessons that look to the future. For Japan to develop its own perspective, it is important to understand that the nature of the alliance has not changed a bit from the outset for Japan. In this paper, using the Constructivist’s approach, I will trace back Japan’s problem to the beginning of the U.S.-Japan alliance and explain why the problem remains intact more than a half century. By doing so, I will point out the way for Japan to develop an independent spirit to win stronger mutual trust and respect from the United States. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During Prime Minister Koizumi’s recent visit to the States, Prime Minister Koizumi had been invited to join CIA’s intelligence brief with President Bush for the first time among the Japanese prime ministers. The invitation had been recognized as President Bush’s way of thanking Koizumi for his timely staunchly statement to indicate Japan’s support for U.S. and British actions against Iraq without the U.N. resolutions. Between Bush and Koizumi, they seem to be enjoying the hey day of the alliance, but in reality, what is happening between two countries can be explained that Japan has been much more deeply placed in American Grand Strategy while Japan has not realized that it does not have its own. In this sense, the U.S.-Japan alliance has not the product of American and Japan’s grand strategies. It is a part of the American grand strategy, and Japan happens to be in the strategy. In the aftermath of 911, the United States changed its military policy from the threat based one to the capability based one. Under the circumstances, not having its grand strategy, Japan will soon face the problem of rationally deciding what Japan should do for the sake of Japan’s national interest whenever the United States calls for contribution. In this paper, I would argue that it will be high time to recognize the gap of the image and reality of the alliance between Washington and Tokyo. For the States, it might not become the issue as long as Japan has been following Washington’s order blindly, but for Japan, it means that Japan has missed another prime opportunity to establish its grand strategy after 911 and the swift victory of American and British war against Iraq. In this paper, I will trace back how the expectation and reality of the alliance has shifted since its establishment to the present. Then, I will point out the gap of the image and reality of the alliance between policy makers in Washington and Tokyo and its impact on the future U.S.-Japan security relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi will step down in September, 2006. Considering Japan?s foreign policy during his administration, the U.S.-Japan alliance has been strengthened more than ever by the close ties between President George W. Bush and himself. The personal ties between them seem to be closer than the one between President Ronald Reagan and Prime Minister Yasuhiro Nakasone. The U.S.-Japan pact on military realignment reached on May 1, 2006 would definitely take alliance to new plane. While enjoying the great relations between the United States and Japan, Koizumi did poorly with Japan?s neighboring countries in Northeast Asia, especially China. There exists simmering rivalry between China and Japan. Many contentious issues confront China and Japan. Japan?s new leader after Koizumi will need to take up challenges of stabilizing the Sino-Japanese relations. A window of opportunity could well open in front of him. However, how to handle the situation with China will have a great impact on Japan?s foreign policy in the 21st century. While fluid perceptions of power and fear are increasing present in Northeast Asia, the United States will need to take very pragmatic foreign policy toward Japan and China. This paper tries to examine Koizumi?s legacy on Japan?s foreign policy and its impact on Japan? s foreign policy formation under Japan?s new leader. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The focus of International Relations in the Japanese universities? classrooms has definitely shifted to the Realist paradigm recently. The shift is reinforced by the current international situations. For example, the strengthening the U.S.-Japan Alliance, the rise of China in Asia, and the rise of Japan?s nationalism, seem to be pushing the Realist paradigm over the others in the classrooms. In retrospect, the shift of focus to the Realist paradigm also took place in International Relations in the Japanese universities? classrooms in the early 1980?s. The shift in the 1980?s seemed to have occurred with the Soviet Unions? military buildup in Northeast Asia. However, the shift did not stick after the Cold War ended. Today?s shift seems to be evolved by the incident on September 11, 2001 and its aftermath. Does this shift stick and make the Realist paradigm the core of International Relations curriculum in the Japanese universities? By comparing these two shifts of focus to the Realist paradigm took placed in the Japanese universities? International Relations, this paper tries to explore the recent shift and its impact on Japan?s International Relations education and Japan?s foreign policy making in the future. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In face of the Soviet Union?s military buildup in Northeast Asia in the early 1980?s, Japan?s security debate in International Relations got off the ground. Before then, there existed a debate between the Realists and the Liberals. However, the debate in the early 1980?s marked a turning point since the perspectives other than the Realists and the Liberals have come on the scene of Japan?s security policy debate. Which direction is Japan?s security policy heading for in the 21st century? During Koizumi Administration, the U.S.-Japan alliance has been strengthened. However, Tokyo?s relations with Beijing and Seoul have hit a new low. While the Liberal Democratic Party tries to revise Article 9 and seek a permanent seat in the United Nations Security Council, understanding the current security policy debate is critical to analyze Japan?s security policy in the 21st century. This paper tries to examine the current Japan?s security policy debate by focusing mainly on three perspectives; Liberal, Realist, and Constructive perspectives. With this comparison, it tries to analyze which perspective would prevail in Japan?s security policy and how the perspective would influence on the U.S.-Japan alliance and Japan?s foreign policy in the 21st century. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When Joseph Nye?s famous quote ?Security is like Oxygen.? is first introduced to the Japanese university students, a major of them understand that it means security is free of charge. When they were born, it was the end of the Cold War and the world has been enjoying economic interdependence. To them, the memory of World War II is only in the textbook. In Cultures of Antimilitarism, Thomas U. Berger tests the new model of political-military culture, so called Culturally Bound Actor Model, to post World War II Japan. He concludes that his findings offer a peculiar combination of ?good news? and ?bad news.? The good news is that it is highly unlikely to see Japan aspire to the status of great military power for some time to come. The bad news is that Japan?s unwillingness or inability to respond to military security threat is much greater than assumed by those who believe that Japan?s behavior is merely the consequence of the free ride on security it receives from the United States.The current situation of the Japanese students seems to reaffirm Berger?s good news. However, to fight against the terrorism, Washington needs all the help which it can get. The United States count heavily on Japan for this matter. In order to do so, Washington makes every effort to change what Berger calls a bad news. The worldwide transformation plan of the U.S. Forces overseas unveiled in May 2004 can be regarded as Washington?s effort o change Japan?s unwillingness or inability to military threat. The plan calls for the integration of the headquarters of the U.S. Air Force in Japan and the Japanese Air Defense Force to the Yokota Air Base. It also plans to relocate the headquarters of the U.S. 1st Army Corps from the State of Washington to Kanagawa prefecture in Japan. The plan includes the pullout of 12000 troops, a third of the 37000 American troops in South Korea.While Washington seek to demand more contribution from Japan and Japan?s defense integration with the United States, it will be highly unlikely to see Japan live up to America?s expectation unless Japanese Foreign Policy Formation shifts from Culturally Bound Actor model to Rational Actor Model. This transformation will not be succeeded only by the agreement of leaders between Washington and Tokyo. It will not be achieved without changing Japanese people?s understanding of security and cultivating their wish to contribute to international security, based on Japan?s status. Otherwise, Washington? bad news will always remain as headaches to the U.S.-Japan Relations. tries to focus on the need to expand the Realist paradigm and Security Studies in International Relations classrooms in the Japanese universities to educate the future generations of the Japanese to understand what security means, what it takes to sustain security, and what Japan needs to do. Based on the survey of International Relations curriculum at the Japanese universities, it will first describe how little the Realist paradigm and Security studies are taught. Then, it will introduce a few good initiatives as models for the future. Finally, I will present a semester long model course focusing on the Realist Paradigm and Security Studies with the intention of narrowing the gap of understanding of security between Washington and Tokyo. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

60 years have passed since the end of World War II. The U.S.-Japan alliance seems to be strengthening ever before under the leadership of Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi and President George W. Bush. At the same time, relations between China and Japan seem to be hitting all time low since the end of World War II. In the meantime, the major shifts in Japanese security policy are about to take place by the initiative of Prime Minister Koizumi; the revision of Article 9 of the Constitution and Japan?s bid to a permanent seat on the U.N. Security Council. These moves are regarded as the rise of Japan?s nationalism. In this paper, I would like to analyze how the rise of Japan?s nationalism influences Japan?s security policy in the 21st Century. To understand the impact, I would like to analyze it from there levels; system level, state level, and individual level. At the system level, I would like to analyze the dual impact of the rise of Japan?s nationalism on international relations. From Washington?s perspective, it will be welcomed for the time being to promote the joint effort of spreading democracy. From Beijing?s perspective, it might be viewed as the move putting both countries into a collision course in the future. At the state level, I would like to examine how the Japanese view the rise of Japan?s nationalism, and point out the factors behind the revision of Article 9 of the Constitution and Japan?s bid to a permanent seat at the U.N. Security Council. Based on the findings at the system and state levels, finally, at the individual level, I would like to examine how Prime Minister Koizumi needs to maneuver his policy to accomplish his security policy objectives. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the 21st Century, Japan will find itself in facing political, social, economic, and environmental challenges more than ever before. Challenges are not only ones caused by the outcomes of others? action, but also include ones caused by Japan?s action. Regardless of the nature of the challenges caused by others or by its own, the world expects Japan to be more responsible for contributing toward resolving these challenges. Thus, it is indispensable for Japanese students to be empowered with knowledge and skills to resolve challenges as active citizens of the world.In this paper, I would like to describe how systems of active learning focusing on controversial political and security challenges surrounding Japan effectively prepare students to address the challenges of the Twenty First Century. To name a few, the impact of Japan?s revision of Article 9 of the Constitution, that of Japan?s bid to a permanent seat on the U.N. Security Council, and the impact of Koizumi?s visit to the Yasukuni Shrine on the relations between China and Japan. In this paper, I would like to show how the systems of active learning will enable students to understand the nature of these challenges, the factors which causes them, identify different perspectives in these challenges, and develop means by which they can effective resolve these challenges. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]