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This study answers four research questions by contextualising the background to Japan's "carbon neutrality and net-zero" (CNN) policy, which was announced in October 2020, and identifying important changes in Japanese climate policy between 1990 and 2020. What is the link between the problem of fairness under the Kyoto targets and the Japanese government's initial reluctance towards ambitious carbon emission reductions? Why did the Japanese business sector initially resist the possibility of ambitious carbon emission reductions? How has the term "climate crisis" contributed to the need for CNN policy? Why did the Japanese government change its reluctant stance and announce the CNN policy in October 2020? Four main findings were extracted from a narrative technique-based analysis of Japan's policy documents related to CNN. The following are the findings: [i] the framing of climate change as a "climate crisis" by influential Japanese climate stakeholders was a key motivation for Japan to formally announce its CNN policy in October 2020; [ii] pressure from the international community and the political leadership of the Yoshihide Suga administration are essential factors that led the Japanese government to change its stance and announced this policy; [iii] it is possible that the policy could have been announced sooner, but concern among Japanese climate stakeholders about the problem of fairness in the Kyoto Protocol's emission reduction targets likely impeded such an announcement; and [iv] this concern underpinned Keidanren's (or the business sector's) consistent opposition to the introduction of regulatory schemes. These results emerge for the first time in a study of Japan's carbon neutrality, particularly in terms of the broader context of climate politics. Finally, we offer a possible explanation for Suga's deliberate announcement of the CNN policy. This opens up space for future research to complement our study by providing important indicators on the trajectory of this important policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study evaluates the progress of efficient energy use and the control of carbon dioxide (CO2) emissions in Japan between 1990 and 2012. A new indicator of energy performance is presented called environmental energy efficiency (EEE). The EEE of manufacturing industries was measured by each prefecture in Japan. We estimated the influencing factors of EEE for each industry by applying the pooled mean group (PMG) method. Our findings are as follows: First, the Japanese manufacturing industry has not been in line with the EEE improvement goals since the adoption of the Kyoto Protocol. However, the progress of each industry was relatively consistent by region. Second, EEE tends to improve and then deteriorate or monotonically increase as economic development progresses. Third, EEE is raised by expanding industry share. Finally, EEE, which focuses on energy reduction, is likely to increase with the progress of energy-saving technology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines changes in Japan's policies related to climate change, focusing on three notable events that could have significantly altered Japan's decisions on climate change: (a) the hosting of the Third Conference of the Parties (COP3) to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) and the adoption of the Kyoto Protocol in December 1997, (b) the Fukushima Daiichi nuclear power plant accident in March 2011, and (c) the adoption of the Paris Agreement in December 2015 and its early enforcement in November 2016. The study shows that the Japanese government's position remained fundamentally the same throughout these events. It called for emission reduction targets that would not harm the Japanese economy, considered nuclear power to be the least costly way to reduce carbon dioxide emissions, and avoided any mention of a 2°C mean global temperature rise as the long-term target. Meanwhile, after the Paris Agreement came into effect in 2016, an increasing number of Japanese private companies and local governments started taking voluntary actions to reduce their respective emissions, independent of national policy. These changes by sub/non-state actors have begun to alter decision-making at the national government level and could be a sign of transformational changes in Japan, wherein these new actors' voices have a greater influence on Japan's climate change policy than those of the traditional state-based actors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Kyoto Protocol continues to provide a binding framework for global warming prevention. However, it will be supplanted by the Paris Agreement in 2020. Unlike the Kyoto Protocol, where only developed countries take responsibility for reductions in greenhouse gas emissions, the Paris Agreement involves all countries who have signed the accord. Following the Paris Agreement, it has been agreed that global warming will be kept within a 2°C increase from pre-industrial levels. In this paper, the implications of this policy reform on Japan, China and Australia are discussed. Utilizing the" Clean Development Mechanism" (CDM) in the Kyoto Protocol, many Japanese firms have used foreign direct investments (FDI) to conduct reforestation in areas outside Japan in order to offset emissions produced by Japan. Although this mechanism might be weakened by the Paris Agreement, the contribution to reforestation by Japanese firms using FDIs have not always been significant as they were oriented towards business interests rather than environmental goals. Most of these FDIs were carried out by electrical power companies, trading firms, paper manufacturing companies and companies using paper. In addition, the newly planted trees tended to be cut down every 7 years for chip pulp used in paper production which was then exported by Japanese firms. Trees can only effectively absorb CO2 when they are grown for longer terms. Therefore, these Japanese FDI projects can be viewed with suspicion in regards to reducing CO2 emissions. In addition, the expected shift from nuclear power to thermal power in Japan following the 2011 Fukushima Disaster will likely mean uranium imports from Australia will shrink in favor of coal. This will not only impact the Australian economy but may also have negative effects on Japan's attempts to decrease greenhouse gas emissions. Both Japan and Australia had failed to ratify the Paris agreement before its implementation although they signed it afterwards. This has substantially weakened their negotiation powers with regards to climate change. However, Chinese leadership on climate change has continued to strengthen, particularly after President Donald Trump announced the USA's withdrawal from the Paris Agreement and TPP and the EU's instability following Brexit. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this Note is to show how force majeure can excuse Japan from its reduced CO2 emissions target due under the Kyoto Protocol. The Kyoto Protocol is the first and only binding international agreement to reduce CO2 emissions amongst industrialized and developing countries. This Note draws upon contract principles and data sources, including political news sources and environmental studies, to demonstrate how the elements of a force majeure event were met in the wake of the earthquake and tsunami of March 2011 that led to the Fukushima Daiichi Nuclear Power Plant disaster. Through showing how far-reaching simultaneous acts of God can be, this research highlights the importance of a holistic approach in shaping the enforcement of an international agreement like the Kyoto Protocol. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A new climate change institutional package, the East Asia Low Carbon Growth Partnership (LCGP), has been recently developed. The LCGP has significant implications because it was initiated by Japan, which has navigated between the Kyoto Protocol (KP) and the Asia-Pacific Partnership on Clean Development and Climate (APP) but ended the navigation by announcing its intention not to participate in the second commitment period of the KP. This paper investigates the position of the LCGP on the spectrum drawn by the KP and the APP using the theoretical ground of normative contestation. Results show that the normative stance of the LCGP is skewed toward the APP; however, the LCGP differentiates itself from the APP by its own functional properties and through its institutional fit with another regional institution, the East Asia Summit. The LCGP puts another complexion on global climate change governance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Today, all companies, irrespective of their industrial classification, have begun to accept approaches to environmental issues as a requirement of conducting business activities. Under such a condition, the CSR (corporate social responsibility) concept is gaining more attention. The CSR concept varies according to the individual country or region, and the period. This study targets the CSR in Japan. This paper intends to analyze and discuss corporate forest-related activities, emission trading and the relationship between A/R CDM (afforestation/reforestation clean development mechanism) and CSR based on the results obtained from the questionnaire. A/R CDM is the political measure based on the Kyoto Protocol to remove greenhouse gases by afforestation and reforestation projects in developing countries. The survey results are as follows: (1) about 60 % of companies responded as 'CSR being a business opportunity' and 'non-implementation of CSR being a business risk,' (2) 60-70 % of companies are involved in forest-related activities in some way, irrespective of industry, (3) a certain proportion of companies have purchased emission credits and have a high level of interest in carbon offsets, and (4) concerning A/R CDM, companies have a high recognition, but over 70 % of them are at the 'information collecting stage' with regard to participation. In conclusion, CSR is insufficient as a driving force for A/R CDM promotion, but can suffice for promoting carbon offset-oriented forest-related activities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Japan executes its long - term policy of environment diplomacy. It aims at displaying the leadership role in the structure of global environment governance. As the host organizer, Japan has played an important positive role during the Kyoto Protocol coming into formatted. Meanwhile, by the limitation of its strategic intention with self - interests, Japan could not consistently insist on the structure of global environment governance and concerning principles. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Forest management and climate change may have a substantial impact on future soil organic carbon (SOC) stocks at the country scale. Potential SOC in Japanese forest soils was regionally estimated under nine forest managements and a climate change scenario using the CENTURY ecosystem model. Three rotations (30, 50, 100 yr) and three thinning regimes were tested: no-thinning; 30% of the trees cut in the middle of the rotation (e.g. 15 year in a 30-yr rotation) and thinned trees all left as litter or slash (ThinLef) and the trees from thinning removed from the forest (ThinRem). A climate change scenario was tested (ca. 3 °C increase in air temperature and 9% increase in precipitation). The model was run at 1 km resolution using climate, vegetation and soil databases. The estimated SOC stock ranged from 1600 to 1830 TgC (from 6800 to 7800 gC/m2), and the SOC stock was largest with the longest rotation and was largest under ThinLef with all three rotations. Despite an increase in net primary production, the SOC stock decreased by 5% under the climate change scenario. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: Since Kyoto Protocol is going to be expired in 2012, all the develop ed and developing countries are very concerned about the future of clean development mechanism. By using the game theory the paper analyzes the market of clean development mechanism, especially the projects of CDM between the U.S., EU, Japan and China. Based on this, the prospects of Chinese CDM market are provided. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

The Kyoto Protocol that went into effect in February 2005 set limits on the amount of greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions. We document in this study that firms from countries ratifying the Protocol and setting limits on GHG emissions (i.e., European Union [EU] countries, Canada and Japan) are associated with higher GHG disclosures compared with firms in the United States, which has not ratified the Protocol. Additionally, we document that firms from India, which has not set any limits on GHG emissions, make even less GHG disclosures than firms from all other countries covered in this study. Our findings also show that GHG disclosures are greater for Canadian and Japanese firms compared with firms from the EU countries and that they also differ somewhat across EU firms. These findings suggest that ratification of the Protocol and limits on emissions improve pollution disclosures. In the absence of Protocol ratification, mandatory disclosure requirements may be needed to ensure adequate and reliable pollution disclosures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: To date, developed countries can only tap mitigation opportunities in developing countries by investing in projects under the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM). Yet CDM investments have so far failed to reach all of the high-potential sectors identified in IPCC reports. This raises doubts about whether the CDM will be able to generate an adequate supply of credits from the limited areas where it has proved successful. Our paper examines the current trajectory of potential mitigation entering the CDM pipeline and projects it forward under the assumption that the diffusion of the CDM will follow a path similar to other kinds of innovations. Projections are then compared to pre-CDM predictions of the mechanism''s potential market size used to assess Kyoto''s cost, in order to discern whether limits on the types of project entering the pipeline will also limit the eventual supply of certified emission reductions (CERs). The main finding of the paper is that the mechanism is on track to deliver an average annual flow of roughly 700 million CERs by the close of 2012 and nearly to 1100 million tons by 2020. Parameter tests suggest that currently identified CDM investments will exceed early model predictions of the potential market for CDM projects. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

This article assesses Japan's climate change policy to provide insight into the debate on sustainable societies within environmental sociology, which is contested on one side by Ecological Modernization (EM) theory and on the other mainly by political economy perspectives. Overall, this study finds that Japan's commitment to the Kyoto Protocol is unlikely to lead to a greening of the economy and lifestyles. Consistent with the claim made by EM critics, Japan's climate change policy has negative environmental and social ramifications. Japan's attempt to reduce carbon dioxide emissions by switching its primary energy source from fossil fuels to nuclear power is likely to increase the uneven distribution of nuclear risks between rural and urban areas. The promotion of nuclear power to secure increasing energy demand instead of reducing energy consumption has also contributed to a worsening of the urban environmental problem known as urban heat island. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The implementation of tax reforms to reduce carbon dioxide (CO2) emissions has become increasingly popular. Nevertheless before prescribing these measures, they should be subject to a cost-benefit analysis. This paper evaluates the effects, in Spain, of a rise in the excise duties on energy to a level equal to the average of the EU-15. To this end, a complete demand model, comprising four energy products and fourteen nonenergy products, is estimated. The results indicate that such a reform, despite the fact that it would reduce CO2 emissions by 11 million tons per year, would produce efficiency costs of 15.88¢ for each euro collected, causing households an average annual welfare loss of 228€. Moreover, the progressivity and redistributive capacity of Spanish indirect taxation would be also reduced. As a result, the private welfare loss arising from the reform would be approximately four times greater than its estimated social benefits. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: This article investigates stock price reactions to the release of the environmental management ranking issued by Nihon Keizai Shimbun (Nikkei newspaper) from 1998 to 2005, by using a standard event study methodology. An examination of stock price movements of the top 100 manufacturing companies reveals that stock prices during the sample period did not respond significantly to the release of the ranking within a 3-day event window. However, market responses became significantly positive after 2003, while they were significantly negative in 1999 and 2000. The stock prices of upgraded companies in particular reacted negatively before 2000, but positively after 2002. These results indicate that market reactions were changed between 2001 and 2002, when the Japanese government showed its strong commitment to environmental policies by establishing the Ministry of the Environment and signing the Kyoto Protocol, following a number of legislations. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

In 2001, the Japanese government committed to ratify the Kyoto Protocol to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change against industry pressures and in spite of the US decision to withdraw from the agreement. This commitment was crucial for the survival of the protocol. Japan has subsequently introduced substantial--yet, mostly voluntary--measures. To explain the puzzle of Japan's ratification, this article builds upon the agenda-setting literature and advances the concept of embedded symbolism. During the 1990s, political leaders elevated climate change and the Kyoto Protocol to the level of a national symbol. Thus, although in 2001 successful implementation of the Kyoto target looked extremely difficult and industry opposition was strong, the symbolism of Kyoto backed by strong public support tipped the balance in favor of ratification. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Many firms generate large amounts of carbon dioxide and other greenhouse gases when they burn fossil fuels in their production processes. In addition, production of raw materials and other inputs the firms procure for their operations also generates greenhouse gases indirectly. These direct and indirect greenhouse gas emissions occur in many sectors of our economies. In this paper, we first present sector-specific estimates for such greenhouse gas emissions. We then show that estimates for such sector-specific greenhouse gas emissions are often required for various types of corporate as well as public policy analyses in both domestic and international contexts. Measuring greenhouse gas emissions resulting from firms’ multi-stage production processes in a multi-sector context is relevant for policies related to the Kyoto protocol, an international agreement to limit global greenhouse gas emissions. For example, since the protocol allows firms to engage in trading and offsetting of their greenhouse gas emissions across national borders, provided that emissions are correctly measured, the firms can take advantage of such trading schemes by placing their energy-intensive production facilities globally and strategically. We present several case studies which illustrate the importance of this and other aspects of greenhouse gas emissions in firms’ environmental management. We also argue that our modeling and estimation methods based on input–output analyses are suitable for the types of research goals we have in this paper. Our methods are applied to data for Canada and Japan in a variety of environmental management circumstances. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

Road transportation is rapidly increasing its share worldwide due to its convenience and economic merits. On the other hand, it has also brought about serious environmental impacts including CO2 emissions and essential energy security issues. This paper describes the current situation regarding those environmental issues of road transportation with its background, and countermeasures to solve the issues. Then, it discusses recent Japanese policy and measures to meet the CO2 reduction targets of the Kyoto Protocol, which is now one of the most serious issues for road transportation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper attempts to analyze Japan's conciliation with the United States regarding national targets on greenhouse gas emissions in the multilateral climate change negotiations (1990–2001) for the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change and for the Kyoto Protocol to the Convention. Japan's conciliatory proposals had nothing to do with bilateral pressure from the United States. Why, then, did Japan make special efforts to conciliate with the United States, and offer lenient proposals? I focus on three factors: concern for international status, the costs of the climate change regime and domestic politics. My main argument is that the Japanese Ministry of International Trade and Industry used ‘conciliation’ with the United States in its favor as an excuse for making proposals that would emasculate the climate change regime and as a means of receiving support from the United States for differentiation of national targets on greenhouse gas emissions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Kyoto Protocol foresees emission trading but does not yet specify verification of (uncertain) emissions. This paper analyses a setting in which parties can meet their emission targets by reducing emissions, by investing in monitoring (reducing uncertainty of emissions) or by (bilaterally) trading permits. We derive the optimality conditions and carry out various numerical simulations. Our applications suggest that including uncertainty could increase compliance costs for the USA, Japan and the European Union. Central Europe and the Former Soviet Union might be able to gain from trading due to higher permit prices. Emissions trading could also lower aggregate uncertainty on emissions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

DESPITE HAVING RENEWABLE RESOURCES THAT SOME COUNTRIES CAN ONLY DREAM OF, AUSTRALIA''S ANTIPATHY TOWARDS THE KYOTO PROTOCOL – NOT TO MENTION ITS VAST RESOURCES OF COAL – HAS CONTRIVED TO GIVE IT SOMETHING OF AN IMAGE PROBLEM AMONGST CLEAN ENERGY INVESTORS, AND MADE IT DIFFICULT FOR THE COUNTRY TO BE SEEN AS FINANCIALLY VIABLE WHEN IT COMES TO RENEWABLES INVESTMENT. BUT WITH A NEW ADMINISTRATION THAT HAS ADDRESSED THE KYOTO QUESTION, COULD THE TIMES BE CHANGING? INVEST VICTORIA''S BEN FOSKETT GIVES A PERSPECTIVE FROM THE STATE OF VICTORIA, AND ISES PRESIDENT MONICA OLIPHANT REPORTS BACK FROM ADELAIDE''S SOLAR CITIES 2008 CONGRESS. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

The article discusses that the carbon trading has been possible only through the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) of the Kyoto Protocol of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change. However, it was found that CDM is limited to afforestation and reforestation projects. It was said that, although the Intergovernmental Pane on Climate Change (IPCC) estimates that 20-25% of current annual carbon emission results from loss of tropical forest, the option for reducing rates of carbon emissions by improved forest management and by avoided deforestation is not legible. On the other hand, it was shown that the country could earn up to $630 million annually from the Reduced Emissions form Deforestation and Degradation (REDD) policy.

The author discusses the Kyoto Protocol, which stays a significant emblem of multilateralism and in assuring the long-term survival of Kyoto, Japan, will expire in 2012. The author is critical on the 1992 United Nations (UN) Framework Convention on Climate Change. Also investigated is the Kyoto experiment's key premise, wherein binding international commitments would drive the national efforts and the development in climate-change negotiations.

The article focuses on a report that assesses the efficacy of developed countries utilizing emission reductions outside their own territory within the framework of the Kyoto Protocol on climate change. Japanese Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama has pledged to reduce greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions by 25 percent from the 1990 levels by 2020. It introduces a new global emission trading scheme as an alternate framework in which all nations can participate.

The article presents news briefs from Japan. At an economic forum, Japanese Prime Minister Yasuo Fukuda stated his resolve to succeed Kyoto Protocol after it expires in 2012. A U.S. marine has been arrested for raping a 14-year-old Japanese girl in the Japanese island of Okinawa. The Bank of Japan has published the results of its quarterly enquiry on the morale of firms.

The article addresses the decision of the Japanese government not to support the 2008 to 2012 Kyoto Protocol scheme for securing carbon reductions. On December 2, 2010, Arima Jun, the Deputy Director General for Environmental Affairs at Japan's Ministry of Economy, Trade and Industry, announced that the country will not place its target under the Kyoto Protocol on any conditions. An overview of Japan's energy and environmental policymaking under the leadership of the Democratic Party of Japan is provided. According to the author, DPJ's energy policy is being developed by Diet members who are linked to labor unions from the utilities as well as companies that consume much energy.

The article discusses the Hatoyama Initiative where Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama showed Japan's readiness to lead the United Nations Climate Change Conference in Copenhagen, Denmark in December 2009 to develop a new framework to replace the 1997 Kyoto Protocol. Japan is reportedly committed to reduce carbon dioxide and other gas emissions provided that all gas-emitting countries including the U.S. and China will join the Japanese initiative. Also mentioned is the responsibility of world leaders to create a sustainable society for future generations.

The article reports that Japanese industries have raised their voluntarily fixed greenhouse gas reduction targets in an effort to help fight global warming. This move followed an appeal by a government with a strong sense of crisis, as mentioned by Prime Minister Fukuda Yasuo. The Kyoto Protocol requires Japan to curtail the annual volume of emissions of carbon dioxide and other gases by 6 percent. Matsushita Electric Industrial Co. has announced a goal to reduce emissions from its plants by about 300,000 tons.