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As the world's climate continues to change, human populations are exposed to increasingly severe and extreme weather conditions that can promote migration. Here, we examine how extreme weather influences the likelihood of undocumented migration and return between Mexico and the United States. Weused data from 48,313 individuals observed between 1992 and 2018 in 84 Mexican agricultural communities. While controlling for regional and temporal confounding factors, we related individual decisions to migrate to the United States without documents and subsequently return to Mexico with lagged weather deviations from the historical norm during the corngrowing season (May to August). Undocumented migration was most likely from areas experiencing extreme drought, and migrants were less likely to return to their communities of origin when extreme weather persisted. These findings establish the role of weather shocks in undocumented Mexican migration to, and eventual settlement in, the United States. The findings also suggest that extreme weather conditions, which are likely to increase with climate change, promote clandestine mobility across borders and, thus, expose migrants to risks associated with crossing dangerous terrain and relying upon smugglers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The twin topics of immigrants and immigration have been known to generate strong debates within the American body politic due to these debates' reverberations in U.S. society. Immigration has remained a contentious policy issue for several decades because of Americans' divergent opinions about opening the nation's borders to immigrants. Using YouGov data, we show that employing the terms illegal immigrant and undocumented immigrant produced different reactions among the survey participants. We also show, via multivariate analyses, that participants who voted for Donald Trump, those who did not vote in the 2016 Presidential election, and conservatives were more likely than liberals and those who voted for Hillary Clinton to endorse Immigration and Customs Enforcement's (ICE) twin policies of separating immigrant parents from their children at the U.S.-Mexico border and arresting illegal immigrants who have overstayed their visas, even if they have not committed a crime. The implications of our findings for policy, group relations, and future research are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2021, the undocumented population residing in the United States (US) increased slightly to 10.3 million, compared to 10.2 million the previous year. The gradual decline or near-zero growth of this population has continued for more than a decade. However, the large increases in apprehensions at the southern border in recent years, along with continued legislative gridlock in Congress, could portend a new era of growth of this population. Unfortunately, the data needed to determine whether the population will enter a period of growth after 2021 — or whether the era of near-zero growth will continue — will not be available for at least a year or two. The most accurate demographic estimates of the undocumented population are derived from data collected in the US Census Bureau's American Community Survey. Estimates of the size of the undocumented population in 2022 will not be available until early 2024. This report focuses on the most significant trend in the undocumented population in the past decade — the remarkable decline of 1.9 million in the undocumented population from Mexico from 2011 to 2021. The decline for Mexico in this period was 600,000 more than the total population increase from the seven countries (in order) with the fastest growing US undocumented populations: Guatemala, Honduras, India, Venezuela, El Salvador, Brazil, and China. This paper finds that: The long-term decline, or near-zero growth, of the total undocumented population that began in 2008 continued in 2021. The percent of undocumented residents in the total US population declined from 3.8 percent in 2011 to 3.1 percent in 2021. The undocumented population from Mexico declined from 6.4 million in 2011 to 4.4 million in 2021, a drop of 1.9 million in 10 years. A total of 2.9 million, or 47 percent, of the US undocumented population from Mexico in 2011 had left the undocumented population by 2021. The drop in the undocumented population from Mexico from 2011 to 2021 occurred nationwide, and the decline affected the undocumented population in nearly every state. The fastest growing undocumented populations by country in the last 10 years were from Guatemala, Honduras, India, El Salvador, Venezuela, and Brazil. The combined undocumented populations from these six countries grew by 1.2 million. Countries that had declining populations after 2011 included Poland, Peru, Ecuador, Korea, and Philippines, in addition to the large drop for Mexico. California had the largest decline in undocumented residents — 665,000 from 2011 to 2021. The undocumented population from Mexico living in California during this period declined by 720,000. The combined undocumented population in California, New York, and Illinois fell by more than one million from 2021 to 2011. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the field of education and health care, researchers and educators attempt to close the diagnosis/identification and service gaps that persist for low-resourced, underrepresented families with children with autism. One group of families particularly difficult to engage in research and interventions is undocumented immigrant families. We know little about whether these families are obtaining a timely diagnosis or services for their children with autism. This study addresses how undocumented Mexican immigrant mothers of children with autism navigate the special education and health care systems, challenges they face in doing so, and the helpers who assist in navigating the process. Six undocumented Mexican immigrant mothers of children with autism participated in one-on-one interviews. Participants were interviewed in a semi-structured format and transcription, coding, and final analysis were conducted in Spanish using analytic software. Three broad themes emerged during the content analysis process: (1) immigration driving force and experience, (2) autism-specific challenges, and (3) autism-specific helpers. Additionally, a case study of each participant is presented and discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Many undocumented youths who come to the United States as children are unaware of their status until family disclosure; this likely has identity implications for youth. Through 40 semi-structured interviews with deferred action for childhood arrivals (DACA) college students, we explored how youth discovered their undocumented status, the type of information that was discussed during family disclosures, and how these youth perceived their identity changed after discovering their undocumented status. Most youths learned through direct parental disclosure, although several learned accidentally. Others reported always knowing, due in part to memories of crossing the U.S.–Mexico border. During disclosures, youth's family helped youth make sense of what being undocumented meant. After disclosure, many youths felt cautious, experienced identity confusion, and felt dehumanized; however, some felt empowered. Our findings extend Communication Privacy Management Theory by highlighting environmental contextual features' (e.g. political and legal systems) role in learning about and interpreting private information. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An estimated 10.5 million undocumented immigrants reside in the U.S.; 10% are 55 and older. Undocumented older adults do not qualify for Medicaid or Social Security benefits even though many pay taxes. The study examines undocumented older adults' perceptions on their health status and their experiences in accessing health care. In-depth semi-structured interviews were used to facilitate dialogue with undocumented older adults (N = 30) ages 55–63 (M = 61.67, SD = 5.50). Most of the participants were Mexican (n = 26, 87%) and had lived in the U.S. on average 21 years (SD = 8.78). A constant comparative approach was used while completing initial, focused, and axial coding. Participants were classified into a five-group typology that captures the intersection of perceived health status/need and access to health care; (1) High need, with access to care; (2) High need, with ambiguous access; (3) Undiagnosed need, with no access; (4) Perceived healthy status, with no access; (5) Healthy status, with access to care. Participants who reported high health needs experienced a range of chronic and degenerative health conditions. Participants accessed care by paying-out-of-pocket (between $100 and 300/visit for consultation, lab work, and medications). High need participants with ambiguous access have been able to access care through permanently residing under color of law status or Medically Indigent Services Programs; access is uncertain given their undocumented status and changes in policies. Participants faced multiple barriers to accessing health care—mainly high cost and documentation status. Limited access to care leads to several detrimental consequences such as debilitated health, emotional burden, and economic insecurity. Older undocumented adults are a vulnerable population that experience great health needs. The high cost for health care and limited access to care takes a toll on undocumented older adults. The findings highlight many opportunities for policy advocacy and practice with older undocumented adults. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Unaccompanied children continue to immigrate to the United States from Central America and Mexico seeking asylum and often reunification with family. As this influx continues, it is the responsibility of the medical community, including pediatric nurses, to address the health needs of these vulnerable children. This article reviews current health considerations of recently detained unaccompanied children, and the impact their experiences have on their physical and mental health. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This report presents estimates of the undocumented population residing in the United States in 2018, highlighting demographic changes since 2010. The Center for Migration Studies of New York (CMS) compiled these estimates based primarily on information collected in the US Census Bureau'sAmerican Community Survey (ACS). The annual CMS estimates of undocumented residents for 2010 to 2018 include all the detailed characteristics collected in the ACS.1 A summary of the CMS estimation procedures, as well as a discussion of the plausibility of the estimates, is provided in the Appendix. The total undocumented population in the United States continued to decline in 2018, primarily because large numbers of undocumented residents returned to Mexico. From 2010 to 2018, a total of 2.6 million Mexican nationals left the US undocumented population;2 about 1.1 million, or 45 percent of them, returned to Mexico voluntarily. The decline in the US undocumented population from Mexico since 2010 contributed to declines in the undocumented population in many states. Major findings include the following: • The total US undocumented population was 10.6 million in 2018, a decline of about 80,000 from 2017, and a drop of 1.2 million, or 10 percent, since 2010. • Since 2010, about two-thirds of new arrivals have overstayed temporary visas and one-third entered illegally across the border. • The undocumented population fromMexico fell from6.6 million in 2010 to 5.1 million in 2018, a decline of 1.5 million, or 23 percent. • Total arrivals in the US undocumented population fromEl Salvador, Guatemala, andHonduras--despite high numbers of Border Patrol apprehensions of these populations in recent years--remained at about the same level in 2018 as in the previous four years.3 • The total undocumented population in California was 2.3 million in 2018, a decline of about 600,000 compared to 2.9 million in 2010. The number fromMexico residing in the state dropped by 605,000 from 2010 to 2018. • The undocumented population in NewYork State fell by 230,000, or 25 percent, from2010 to 2018. Declines were largest for Jamaica (-51 percent), Trinidad and Tobago (-50 percent), Ecuador (-44 percent), and Mexico (-34 percent). • The results shown here reinforce the view that improving social and economic conditions in sending countries would not only reduce pressure at the border but also likely cause a large decline in the undocumented population. • Two countries had especially large population changes -- in different directions -- in the 2010 to 2018 period. The population from Poland dropped steadily, from 93,000 to 39,000, while the population from Venezuela increased from 65,000 to 172,000. Almost all the increase from Venezuela occurred after 2014. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective: To assess the relationship between immigration legal status and related vulnerabilities and health-related quality of life (HRQoL) among Mexican-origin Latinos living in a U.S.-Mexico border region. Methods: Data were obtained using multistage sampling from 393 Latino adults who took part in the 2009 San Diego Prevention Research Center community survey. Results: Significant differences in HRQoL were found across immigration legal status subgroups. Vulnerabilities associated with HRQoL varied across immigration legal status subgroups, and only depression was associated with HRQoL regardless of immigration legal status. Conclusion: Results from this study emphasize the need for policies and programs to facilitate access to preventive services, including mental health services, in order to maintain the health of at-risk Latino immigrants. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using restricted data from the 2001-2014 California Health Interview Surveys, this research illuminates the role of legal status in health care among Mexican-origin children. The first objective is to provide a population-level overview of trends in health care access and utilization, along with the legal statuses of parents and children. The second objective is to examine the nature of associations between children's health care and legal status over time. We identify specific status-based distinctions that matter and investigate how their importance is changing. Despite the continuing significance of child nativity for health care, the descriptive analysis shows that the proportion of Mexican-origin children who are foreign born is declining. This trend suggests a potentially greater role of parental legal status in children's health care. Logistic regression analyses demonstrate that the importance of parental legal status varies with the health care indicator examined and the inclusion of child nativity in models. Moreover, variation in some aspects of children's health care coalesced more around parents' citizenship than documentation status in the past. With one exception, the salience of such distinctions has dissipated over time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although one-third of children of immigrants have undocumented parents, little is known about their early development. Using data from the Los Angeles Family and Neighborhood Survey and decennial census, we assessed how children's cognitive skills at ages 3 to 5 vary by ethnicity, maternal nativity, and maternal legal status. Specifically, Mexican children of undocumented mothers were contrasted with Mexican children of documented mothers and Mexican, white, and black children with U.S.-born mothers. Mexican children of undocumented mothers had lower emergent reading skills than all other groups and lower emergent mathematics skills than all groups with U.S.-born mothers. Multilevel regression models showed that differences in reading skills are explained by aspects of the home environment, but the neighborhood context also matters. Cross-level interactions suggest that immigrant concentration boosts emergent reading and mathematics skills for children with undocumented parents, but does not similarly benefit children whose parents are native born. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background There is a critical need to document the mental health effects of immigration policies and practices on children vulnerable to parental deportation. Few studies capture the differential experiences produced by U.S. citizen-children's encounters with immigration enforcement, much less in ways that analyse mental health outcomes alongside the psychosocial contexts within which those outcomes arise. Methods We explore the psychosocial dimensions of depression in U.S. citizen-children with undocumented Mexican parents to examine differences between citizen-children affected and not affected by parental deportation. An exploratory mixed-method design was used to integrate a quantitative measure of depression symptoms (CDI-2) within qualitative data collected with 48 citizen-children aged 8 to 15 with and without experiences of parental deportation. Results Stressors elicited by citizen-children in the qualitative interview included an inability to communicate with friends, negative perceptions of Mexico, financial struggles, loss of supportive school networks, stressed relation with parent(s) and violence. Fifty percent of citizen-children with probable depression - regardless of experiences with parental deportation - cited 'stressed relation with parents,' compared to 9% without depression. In contrast, themes of 'loss of supportive school network' and 'violence' were mentioned almost exclusively by citizen-children with probable depression and affected by parental deportation. Conclusions While citizen-children who suffer parental deportation experience the most severe consequences associated with immigration enforcement, our findings also suggest that the burden of mental health issues extends to those children concomitantly affected by immigration enforcement policies that target their undocumented parents. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Family legal status is a potentially important source of variation in the health of Mexican-origin children. However, a comprehensive understanding of its role has been elusive due to data limitations and inconsistent measurement procedures. Using restricted data from the 2011–2012 California Health Interview Survey, we investigate the implications of measurement strategies for estimating the share of children in undocumented families and inferences about how legal status affects children's health. The results show that inferences are sensitive to how this “fundamental cause” is operationalized under various combinatorial approaches used in previous studies. We recommend alternative procedures with greater capacity to reveal how the statuses of both parents affect children's well-being. The results suggest that the legal statuses of both parents matter, but the status of mothers is especially important for assessments of child health. The investigation concludes with a discussion of possible explanations for these findings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article draws on more than 15 years of research to analyze “Black Mexicans,” phenotypically “Mexican-looking” youth who identified as Black during adolescence, used this identity to become upwardly mobile, and then abandoned it in early adulthood. Black Mexicans are potentially iconic cases among emerging varieties of U.S. ethnic and racial life, given Mexicans’ status as a key, usually negative, case in assimilation theory. Most such theory posits that assimilation into Black, inner-city culture leads to downward mobility. To explain how and why this did not happen for Black Mexicans, I propose a sensitizing framework using the concepts of conjunctural ethnicity, emphasizing analysis of racial and ethnic identity in local, historical, and life course contexts; and operating identity, which analyzes identities in interactions and can accommodate slippage in informants’ understanding or use of ethnic and racial categories. Some Mexicans used a Black culture of mobility to become upwardly mobile in the late-1990s and early-2000s in New York, adopting a socially advantaged operating identity that helped them in ways they felt Mexicanness could not in that historical conjuncture, especially given intra-ethnic competition between teen migrants and second-generation youth. This article uses case-based ethnographic analysis and net-effects analysis to explain why and how Blackness aided upward mobility among Black and non-Black Mexicans, but was left behind in early adulthood. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

In this article, we examine the social repercussions of criminally prosecuting individuals that cross into the United States without official documentation. The “criminalization of immigration law” (Coleman, 2007), federal- and state-level anti-immigrant initiatives, and an incarceration-oriented approach to dealing with unauthorized migration have redefined what it means to be undocumented in the United States, a definition with more sociological implications than ever before. Using strain theory (Agnew, 1992; Merton, 1938) and Cloward and Ohlin’s (1960) concept of illegitimate means structures, we discuss the social ramifications for migrants who are exposed to a potentially unfamiliar criminal element while incarcerated for unauthorized entry. First-hand accounts of migrants’ experiences were gathered from face-to-face semi-structured interviews of 210 randomly selected individuals at a migrant shelter in northern Mexico. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Amid the derisive, post-911 political debate about border control, national security, and "illegal aliens," nobody, not even immigrant advocates and protesters, is articulating the macro-level, global economic root cause of undocumented labor migration to America. In simple terms, this essay describes how the contradictory policies of an open border for trade (i.e., NAFTA) and a closed border for immigration result in a predictable undocumented migration bridge between the U.S. and Mexico that must be sensibly regulated for the good of neighboring countries that now share formally integrated economies, yet informally integrated populations. Implications for policy and immigrant serving social workers and other human service providers are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]