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In a context of areas of limited statehood and contested order, Iraq, Lebanon and Syria have been affected by similar diffuse global and more specific regional and local risks over the past two decades. Yet they differ in outcomes. Lebanon has not descended into civil war despite fears that the one raging in Syria might spill over to its territory and Iraq has coped better over the past decade than Syria has – despite having been subject to various forms of conflict since 1980. We analyse this variance by asking to what extent resilience might buffer against violent conflict and governance breakdown. Through a comparative discussion of sources of resilience – social trust, legitimacy and institutional design – we find that limited input and threatened output legitimacy are harmful to resilience, while collective memory and reconciliation, as well as flexibility of institutions are crucial factors of resilience. Nonetheless, our findings caution that resilience should not only mean the capability to adapt to crises but also needs to set the stage for comprehensive and inclusive transformations that are locally rooted. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article provides a mapping exercise of the economic importance of non-hydrocarbon minerals (nhm) in the Middle East and North Africa (mena) and shows how governments in the region increasingly perceive them as strategic resources. The focus is on Saudi Arabia and other Gulf countries, Turkey, Morocco and Iran. nhm like iron ore, phosphates, aluminium and uranium are important for development models in the region, either as export commodities or as vital input factors. Since the 1990s, and as elsewhere in the world, the sector has witnessed privatisation and the promulgation of new mining codes. Yet governments have retained core capabilities and manage most key commodities themselves either directly or indirectly. Mining projects have met with opposition from labour representatives. They also have considerable environmental impact. The article discusses rentier state and resource curse theories, but argues that nhm have also increased development options and have contributed to economic diversification rather than being just a curse. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the wake of the 2008 global food crisis and export restrictions imposed by major food exporters, Gulf states announced plans for foreign agro-investments, including major land deals, in the name of national of food security. Media reporting has often conveyed an inaccurate picture of these land deals since project implementation has lagged far behind official announcements. This essay analyzes Gulf states' land deals against the backdrop of domestic politics, strategic vulnerabilities, and earlier agro-investments in the Sudan during the 1970s. Approaches among Gulf states diverge considerably, most notably in the case of Saudi Arabia and Qatar that have created new governance institutions to coordinate food security policies and land investments. Gulf states have also increased their profile on the world stage and now their prominent role in the global land grab requires them to navigate new political spaces, including engagement with global civil society, water politics in countries where they are investing, and in emerging global governance initiatives related to food security and investment in land. Como consecuencia de la crisis alimentaria mundial de 2008 y las restricciones a la exportación impuestas por grandes exportadores de alimentos, los estados del Golfo anunciaron planes para agro-inversiones extranjeras, que incluían grandes acuerdos de tierra, en el nombre de la seguridad alimentaria nacional. Los reportes de los medios frecuentemente han comunicado una descripción inexacta de esos acuerdos de tierras, puesto que los anuncios oficiales vinieron mucho antes de la implementación del proyecto. Este artículo analiza los acuerdos de tierra de los estados del Golfo, desde la perspectiva de la política doméstica, las vulnerabilidades estratégicas y la previa agro-inversión en el Sudán durante la década de 1970. Los enfoques dentro de los estados del golfo divergen considerablemente, más notablemente en el caso de Arabia Saudita y Qatar que han creado nuevas instituciones de gobierno para coordinar la política de la seguridad alimentaria y de la inversión de tierra. Los estados del Golfo también han aumentado su perfil en el escenario mundial y ahora su rol prominente en la tierra global les exige navegar nuevos espacios políticos, inclusive un compromiso con la sociedad civil global, una política sobre el agua en países en donde ellos están invirtiendo, y en las iniciativas de gobernanza global emergente, relacionadas con la seguridad alimentaria y la inversión en la tierra. 随着2008年全球粮食危机和主要食品出口国施加的出口限制，海湾国家以国家粮食安全为名宣布了对于外国农业投资的计划，包括重要的土地交易。由于项目实施远远落后于官方公告，媒体报道通常没有把这些土地交易传递清楚。本文分析了在20世纪70年代苏丹国内政治、战略弱点、早期投资（农业投资）背景下海湾国家的土地交易。海湾国家的方法路径差异很大，最明显的是成立新的治理机构来协调食品安全政策与土地投资的沙特阿拉伯和卡塔尔案例。海湾国家也已提升它们在世界舞台上的形象，而且现在它们在全球土地出让中的突出作用要求其面对新的政治空间，包括参与全球公民社会、投资国的政治、以及与食品安全和土地投资相关的新兴的全球治理举措。 في ذروة أزمة الغذاء العالمية عام 2008 وقيام كبار مصدري الغذاء بفرض قيود على صادراتها، أعلنت دول الخليج العربي عن خطط للاستثمارات الزراعية في الخارج، بما في ذلك صفقات لشراء أراضي شاسعة، بدعوى الأمن الغذائي الوطني. وفي أغلب الأحوال لم تتضمن التقارير الإعلامية أي صورة واضحة عن تلك الصفقات لأن تنفيذ المشروع تأخر كثيراً عن الإعلانات الرسمية. وتحلل هذه المقالة الصفقات التي قامت بها دول الخليج لشراء الأراضي بالخارج، في ضوء كل من السياسة المحلية وجوانب الضعف الإستراتيجي والاستثمارات المبكرة في السودان منذ السبعينيات. وهناك تباين كبير بين مقاربات دول الخليج لهذه المسألة، ولكن يُلاحظ بشكل خاص قيام كل من السعودية وقطر بإنشاء مؤسسات حوكمة جديدة لتنسيق سياسات الأمن الغذائي وا&#x64 2008년 지구적 식량 위기와 주요 식량 수출국에 의해서 이루어진 수출제한에서, 중동 국가들은 식량 안보라는 이름으로 주요 토지 거래를 포함하는 해외 농업 투자 계획을 발표했다. 프로젝트 실행이 공식적인 선언보다 훨씬 뒤쳐졌기 때문에 언론 매체들은 이러한 토지 거래에 대한 부정확한 내용을 보도했다. 이 글은 1970년대 국내 정치에 대처하는 중동 국가들의 토지 거래, 전략적 취약성과 아프리카 수단 내 농업 투자에 대해서 분석한다. 중동 국가들의 접근은 상당히 달라서 사우디 아라비아와 카타르는 식량 안보 정책과 토지 투자를 조정하기 위한 새로운 거버넌스 제도를 만들었다. 또한 중동 국가들은 세계 무대에 그들의 영향력을 증대시켰고, 지구적 토지 매입에서 그들의 두드러진 역할은 그들로 하여금 지구적 시민 사회, 투자 국가들 내의 물 정치, 식량 안보와 토지 투자와 관련된 전 세계 거버넌스 주도에서 새로운 정치적 공간을 찾도록 요구한다. В 2008 году в результате глобального продовольственного кризиса и экспортных ограничений, введенных основными экспортерами продовольствия, государства Персидского залива объявили о своих планах относительно иностранных агропромышленных инвестиций, в том числе крупных сделок с землей, во имя национальной продовольственной безопасности. Сообщения СМИ часто передавали неточную картину этих сделок, так как внедрение проекта значительно отставало от официальных заявлений. Это эссе анализирует сделки с землей государств Персидского залива на фоне их внутренней политики, стратегической уязвимости и более ранних инвестиций в сельскохозяйственную п&#x44 [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article highlights obstacles to Middle East's foreign agro-investments, food self-sufficiency, and the lack of water, the latter, which has been compensated for by food imports, since Middle East has the option to import from water-rich countries virtual water, that is embedded in food produce such as cereals. Food imports, most notably from regions with abundant soil water reserves in the North will be the future of food security in the Gulf, although making them predictable and affordable is the challenge. It also discusses the reality that as a result of oil prices exceeding 100 U.S. dollars per barrel, rising food prices were actually accepted by those in the Gulf countries.

The article presents a letter to the editor in response to the publication's review of the letter writer's book "Oil for Food" in the Winter 2014 issue, and discusses agricultural (agro) investments in the Persian Gulf, landgrabs, and criticisms of the author's arguments in the book.