Search

One of the key prerequisites in the process of preparing society and the state for future challenges is the development of the capabilities of the Intelligence Community (IC). The ability to collect necessary data and information about the intentions of an opponent, while simultaneously protecting one's own information resources, is essential for making quality and timely decisions. Examples from modern conflicts and wars confirm the extreme importance of using intelligence during various forms of action (either offensive or defensive) because it helps to perceive actual situation on the battlefield more objectively and reliably, thus enabling decisionmaking that should have a positive effect on the development of the situation. Ukraine, with the help of its allies and friends from the international community, learned many lessons from the defeat it experienced on the battlefield during the Russian invasion in 2014. It used the time between the two aggressions to develop its own defense capabilities, including the development of its IC in all necessary segments: human potential, technical capabilities, organizational forms. This is reflected, among other things, in the successful stopping of the Russian blitzkrieg against Kyiv and the sinking of the Russian missile cruiser Moskva. At the same time, they also showed deficiencies in the coordination of the IC's actions at the beginning of the Russian aggression, which, after wrong actions, were soon corrected. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article traces the history of the "Instructions to the newly appointed priest" from the 13th to the 20th century. This text was created in Rus' and has a compilation character. It exists in two editions - the Full one (from the 13th century) and the Short one, which is known from the manuscript copies from the beginning of the 15th century and possibly associated with Metropolitan Cyprian. The "Instruction" was given to the priest during the liturgy; and this has determined the distribution of the text. The language of the "Instruction" was regularly updated; in the Kyiv Metropolis, it included the vocabulary of "prosta mova". The "Instruction" was repeatedly published in print both in the Moscow Patriarchate and in the Kyiv Metropolis, supplied with comments on incomprehensible words. The last analyzed edition originated in 1930 in Warsaw. The history of the "Instruction" testifies to the remarkable stability of the text, despite its archaic nature. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Codrul Cosminului is the property of Codrul Cosminului and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The purpose of the article is to clarify various aspects of Ya.Lesiv's participation in the Ukrainian liberation movement in the second half of the 20th century, which includes an analysis of the process of his formation as a socio-political and religious figure, coverage of the issue of involvement in the anti-regime resistance movement, in particular the Ukrainian National Front, a description of participation in Ukrainian Public Group for Assistance to the Implementation of the Helsinki Accords, determining the contribution to the restoration of the Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church. The methodology is based on the principles of historicism, scientificity, systematics. General scientific (analysis and synthesis, induction and deduction, abstraction) and specific scientific (critical, historical-genetic, structuraldiachronic analysis) methods were used in the research. Scientific novelty is determined by the fact that comprehensively studied socio-political and religious activities of Ya.Lesiv on the basis of materials of the Sectoral State Archives of the Security Service of Ukraine (Ivano-Frankivsk), published documents, memoirs and testimonies, publications and periodicals, scientific and scientific popular works; the main forms of dissident activity of this famous historical figure are clarified; the important role of Father Yaroslav in the anti-regime resistance movement and the struggle for the legalization of the Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church is shown. Conclusions. In 1965-1967, Ya.Lesiv was a member of an illegal independent political organization, the Ukrainian National Front (UNF). He actively distributed materials of the armed underground of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN) and samizdat. In fact, he formed the Haivoron group of the UNF. As a result, he was sentenced by the Soviet authorities to six years in prison. In October 1979, Ya.Lesiv became a member of the Ukrainian Public Group for the Promotion of the Helsinki Accords, a legal human rights organization. This led to his new imprisonment, first for two and then for another five years. Ya.Lesiv made a significant contribution to the Ukrainian national-democratic movement of the second half of the 1980s and early 1990s. association. He also advocated the transfer of OUN activities from political emigration directly to Ukrainian lands. In 1988 he joined the Committee for the Protection of the Ukrainian Catholic Church. In 1989, Father Ya.Lesiv was among the participants in a hunger strike in Moscow for the legalization of the Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church, and also led a procession for the reburial in Kyiv of prisoners of conscience destroyed by the Soviet totalitarian regime Yu.Lytvyn, V.Stus and O.Tykhyi. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of History Pages is the property of National Technical University of Ukraine KPI and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Constantine's Letters / Konštantínove Listy is the property of Institute for Research of Constantine & Methodius's Cultural Heritage and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This study examines the triangular political-military relationship revolving around missile sales involving Russia, Ukraine, and Saudi Arabia. Its principal thesis is that this development, if it comes to pass, could weaken further, and perhaps fatally, the Missile Technology Control Regime, which has always been a fragile instrument to control missile proliferation. A second thesis is that such a missile sale is a complex process, with political, economic, and psychological factors often as important as technical ones, and that all of these aspects must be taken into consideration in any analysis. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The shift to a monopolistic political regime in Russia in 2004 was largely a defensive reaction to the Orange Revolution in Ukraine, but it is likely to prove counterproductive. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite Ukraine's objective need for a multidirectional foreign policy, Kiev's strategic decision to integrate with the political and economic space of the European Union (EU) remains immutable. This decision imposes limits on the country's willingness to cooperate with Russia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A triangular relationship is neither the sum of all bilateral relations nor a rapprochement between three parties in a given situation. It emerges when one of the parties significantly affects relations between the other two, as in the triangle formed by Ukraine, Russia and the EU. The plans with respect to Europe borne by President Yushchenko and the Orange Revolution modified the country's relations with the other two; they broke into the partnership between Russia and the EU and exposed its limits. What impact did the Orange Revolution and the first part of Yushchenko's presidency have on relations among the three parties? How to understand this triangular relationship? Is Ukraine now an apple of discord between Russia and the EU? Or is it part of a vast operation of European reconciliation? Should events be analyzed as a game with neither winner nor loser, as some Russian leaders have suggested? This would amount to accepting an approach based on a balance of power, a concept deemed obsolete since the end of the Cold War. On the contrary, are changes in this triangle to be understood as a prolongation beyond the end of the Cold War, as a post-imperial reassessment of the situation and the emergence of a single, whole Europe? These trends condition the equilibrium for tomorrow's Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Compares the political systems of the capitals of Russia, Ukraine and Belorussia. Dominance of the elites in Moscow and their support of the anti-Communist regime in Russia; Regional cultural factor in the political life in Minsk, Belorussia; Opposition of the nationalist West and the russified East and South in Kiev, Ukraine.

The article traces the history of dermatology in Russia. Russian dermatology began as a science in the 19th century. It attempted to discover new approaches to the study of skin diseases. The main focus was on the correlation of skin pathology with disorders of other organs and systems and to the interactions of the organism with the environment. One must distinguish the several periods of Russian dermatology. It is necessary to emphasize that it is always characteristic of Russian dermatology to treat patients from the position of the person as a whole, distinguishing the leading role of the nervous system in the pathogenesis of many dermatoses. In the last decades those ideas were expanded to include the results of increased knowledge derived from investigations of immunologic and molecular mechanisms and genetic factors.