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Between March and May 1954, an election and two riots took place in East Pakistan, with far-reaching implications. On 30 May, the prime minister of Pakistan, in a bellicose tone, declared that 'enemy agents' and 'disruptive forces' were at work and imposed governor's rule for the first time in East Pakistan. The autocratic and high-handed attitude of the Central government in Karachi over the seemingly wayward East Wing was to become a portent of future conflicts between the province and the state, eventually leading to the unmaking of Pakistan in 1971. What precipitated the 1954 crisis? Who were the enemy agents and disruptive forces that the prime minister had alluded to? The reference was to the Bengali labourers in East Pakistan—the main protagonists of the 1954 Karnaphuli Paper Mill and Adamjee Jute Mill riots. These were the most violent industrial riots in the history of United Pakistan, if not the subcontinent. Using sensitive materials obtained from multiple archives, this article dismantles the conventional thesis that these riots were 'Bengali–Bihari riots', fanned by the flames of Bengali provincialism at the political level, or events instigated by the Centre to derail the democratic hopes of the Bengali population of Pakistan. A microhistory of the events demonstrates a more complex picture of postcolonial labour formations and solidarities; the relationship between state-led industrialization and refugee rehabilitation, and conflicting visions of sovereignty. This is a story of estrangement between employers and workers over the question of who were the real sovereigns of labour, capital, and Pakistan itself. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The dual citizenship has been the subject of intense political debate in Pakistan barring the elected representatives, in parliament, the provincial assemblies and the presidency, from holding dual nationality. The perceptions that holding a foreign citizenship challenges the undiluted loyalty to country further engender question mark over their political participation in country's affairs. A qualitative study has been carried out in the city of Rawalpindi to explore the stance of Pakistani nationals on such exclusion of Pakistani dual citizens from mainstream politics of Pakistan asking should the individual's association to the state be an exclusive one? In this paper, in‐depth interviews were conducted with a sample of 40 male and female respondents (22 Pakistani citizens, 18 Pakistani dual citizens) and 6 constitutional experts. The results indicate distrust among Pakistani citizens when considering dual citizens' right of representation in general elections of Pakistan, stemming from a mistrust of their "split loyalties". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the political transformation of civil society-state relations in Pakistan. Topics explored include the military and economic power associated with the traditional elites in the country, the working relationship between non-government organizations (NGO) and the state during the administration of former Pakistani President Pervez Musharraf, and the outlook for civil liberties and equal rights in the country.

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Despite global pressure and national security concerns, the efforts of the Government of Pakistan to reform the madrassah system have proven to be futile. Extant literature on madrassah reform challenges relies overwhelmingly on information provided by governments and experts situated outside of these institutions. While these studies and reports present important findings and viable analysis on madrassah systems; most of the research fails to give voice to the major stakeholders of this system itself, such as the administration staff, teachers, students and parents. Our study fills this crucial gap by conducting semi-structured interviews and field observations inside Pakistani madaris (plural for madrassah) and their professional associations. We find that these madaris have been reluctant to participate in policy interventions offered by the government due to a major trust deficit brought on by differences over financial and curriculum regulation, degree recognition and the government's role in shaping popular perceptions about madaris. This reluctance has turned down attempts for madrassah reformation and has in turn made them vulnerable to radicalisation. We conclude with policy recommendations for more effective government reforms and a stronger relationship between madrassah representatives and the Government of Pakistan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study is focused on the impact of religion on the electoral pattern of the people of Punjab. Religion as a determinant of voting behavior is best expressed in the votes secured by the religious parties. Thus, religious parties vote in Pakistan and Punjab is studied to build an argument. Religion has a strong impact on human life. It influences each act and attitude of the individual especially in developing countries. In Pakistan; religion has a solid affect in shaping the political attitudes and beliefs of the individuals. It is one of the key elements of politics.2018 general elections saw a sudden rise in the vote bank of religious political parties. It witnessed a 2.17 % increase in the religious vote country wide and 1.32% increase in Punjab. Tahreek Labbaik Pakistan appeared on the scene as a radical Sunni Islamic party, it mobilized the barelvi vote bank to great effect. And it emerged as the third largest party of Punjab, in terms of votes polled. 2018 general elections also witnessed the rise of Milli Muslim League which was a political wing of Jamaat-ud-Dawa, who were previously rejecting the parliamentary form of government and were critical of voting in elections. The increase in the influence of the various spiritual gaddi nasheen in the electoral politics of Punjab was also a prominent factor during the 11th general election. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Electoral coordination is central to the creation of national party systems under firstpast- the-post rules, but there are instances where we see such coordination fail even at the constituency level. In this article, we argue that electoral coordination requires partisan control of patronage distribution by local bureaucracies. In electoral constituencies in which bureaucrats do not hold a monopoly over the distribution of patronage, we might see constituency-level electoral fragmentation. In constituencies in which the bureaucracy controls patronage, however, effective coordination yields Duvergerian equilibria. We formulate and test this argument through constituency- and precinct-level analysis of Pakistani elections and additional evidence from Indian elections. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Maulana Shah Ahmed Noorani Siddiqui (1926-2003) who did not believe in separating religion from politics joined active politics in 1970. His journey from passive to active politics was gradual. Though he started taking part in politics by establishing 'National Guards' in 1940's to further the cause of All India Muslim League of a separate homeland for the Muslims of the Indian Sub-continent, However, soon after the partition, following the footsteps of his father Maulana Shah Abdul Aleem Saddiqui (1892-1955), Maulana Noorani concentrated more on the missionary activities. Along with this he also participated in the Anti-Qadiani Movement in 1953 and later elected as the senior vice president of the Jamiat-i- Ulema-i- Pakistan (JUP) West Pakistan in 1955.After the death of his father in the same year Maulana Noorani took full charge of his father's missionary work abroad (1955-1969) and remained fully committed to it. During this time period he remained unknown in Pakistani politics until, in 1970, he presided over a historical meeting of the leading Ulama and Masha'ikh of Ahl-i-Sunnat wa Jammat held in Darul ulum Hizb-ul-Ahnaf Lahore, which resulted in the unification of various groups of the JUP and gave birth to a 'united' political party of Ahl-i Sunnat. This paper had presented a critical review of Maulana Shah Ahmed Noorani's early political career, showing that how he roused from the office bearer JUP Karachi to the position of JUP parliamentary leader and one of the leading political figures of the country. The paper also focused on his role in the victory of his party in 1970 election, strong opposition of socialism, propagation of Nizam-i-Mustafa, democracy and efforts to keep the country united. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study investigates the four major wars between India and Pakistan in the past 52 years in one Pakistani popular and one elite newspaper. Through the textual analysis technique, it was found that Pakistan print media applied nationalistic and highly patriotic approaches instead of doing professional and objective reporting on the four wars in the past. While India was criticized for war-mongering and jingoism, the warring policies of the Pakistani governments were eulogized. Though the key thematic strategies identified in this study like 'Kashmir being an integral part of Pakistan, India being the sole enemy and the need for unity among Pakistanis' remained consistent in the discourse, the role of UN and invocation of religion saw significant shifts since the 1965 war. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In drafting its Middle East policy, the Trump administration appears to depart from the soft power rhetoric of the Obama years, seemingly favoring a more hawkish, hard power approach to dealing with America's most important interests in the region: the defeat of ISIS and the containment of Iran. While many regional partners hope for a radical U.S. foreign policy shift after years of perceived American disengagement, Trump seems to be constrained by path dependency. He inherits a region in turmoil, a public adverse to regional military engagements for peripheral interests, and a major strategic discrepancy between ambition and capability. Consequently, the new White House will be forced to continue Obama's policy of delegation and multilateralism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study attempts to examine attitude of the members of the parliament (MPs) towards the use and services of National Assembly Library of Pakistan (NALP). Aspects: information use, examine the use of library as well as type of resources used and preferred format and language of use are included in this study. The study seeks to assess the level of importance they place on each of the sources and use of National Assembly Library. Keeping in view the exploratory and explanatory nature of the study's objectives, the study also tries to judge their level of satisfaction with the attitude of staff, quality of information and services provided by the National Assembly Library. The findings suggest that new strategies are needed by the parliamentary library in the attempt to serve the members of the parliament in order that they have convenient access to quality information, to fulfill their parliamentary business and commitment and necessary for legislative matters. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Women's political participation is sine qua non of women's empowerment movement. Pakistan is a developing democracy where citizens are given equal political rights without any gender discrimination. The Provincial Assembly of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa elected a female as Deputy Speaker for the first time. Report of various organizations on 2013 general elections declared that women's participation in politics have strengthened its roots in Pakistan. Mardan is the 19th largest city of Pakistan and 2nd most populous district of KP Province. Khyber Pakhtunkhwa is the most affected province of Pakistan in the war against global terrorism nevertheless in the 2013 general elections, the province generally and district Mardan especially witnessed increase in women's political participation. An encouraging number of women casted their votes, contested election, and launched elections campaigns. The research is qualitative and is based on primary and secondary sources. The study explores the changing trends of women's politics in Mardan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Pakistani politics is full of political rhetoric. Attractive slogans are used by leaders of political parties to inspire and set the mood of public about a particular issue. Even parliament is neglected by politicians. This political immaturity led the nation towards street politics and polarization in the society. Due to elements of intolerance in politics, leadership could not find consensus and viable solutions. The paper analyzes political rhetoric; slogan politics and role of parliament in Pakistan especially focusing on the first one year of Pakistan Muslim League Nawaz's (PML-N) current government. In this context, political parties and their leaders' popular statements particularly in print media containing rhetoric and slogans to resolve two important issues i.e. electoral reforms and energy crisis has been examined. Political parties' initiatives in the form of calling attention notices, questions, resolutions, bills, motions and point of orders in the parliament have also been assessed followed by recommendations. The paper highlights that politicians generally use rhetoric and slogan politics instead of using parliament to satisfy the public on various issues. The paper recommends that political parties should enhance intellectual depth of party members and leaders so that they can effectively use the forum of parliament for resolving issues. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There are challenging complexities in analysing both historical trends and contemporary structures in the region now comprising Pakistan. Interrelating both history and the present poses further challenges. With scholarship aligned on either side of the apparent watershed of 1947, analysts have hitherto remained negligent of a pattern of continuity and disjuncture that is explored in this article, which it is hoped will enable a deeper understanding of historical causations and outcomes. Further, we propose here that such multiple and diverse trends, while they might demand distinct empirical analyses, can coalesce within three overarching themes. Analysing these themes and their interstices, enables a more cohesive and integrated understanding of Pakistan's complex realities than has been hitherto forthcoming from the more segmented approaches that dominate discourse on the study of Pakistan's past and present. The author aims to shed light on why and how retardation in Pakistan is so resilient, and hopes that understanding these long-term outcomes will be greatly assisted by an analytical approach predicated on three themes: thwarted nationalism, economic counter-revolutions, and anarcho-vassalage. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper revisits the concept of devolution in Pakistan as a federal state. It overviews the history of language policy from the perspective of the devolution in the context of 18th amendments. It evaluates the arguments of the supporters and opposers of devolution. While the supporters believe and argue in the support of devolution of decision making to the local level, the opposers consider such a move a threat to the existence of Pakistan. This paper establishes the validity of the argument of supporters of devolution and considers such a move beneficial for the promotion of local languages and the associated cultural, socio-political empowerment and economic opportunities of the local speakers. The absence of the substance of the opposers of devolution is thereby presented. The case of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, a small unit of federation that houses a number of minority languages is explored. It is established that language policy became more conducive after passage of 18th Amendment in the Constitution of Islamic Republic of Pakistan, 1973. The devolution of Higher Education Commission (HEC) is also discussed and it is found that devolution of education - that remains the most important domain of language policy - still remains centralized and its devolution is resisted with the help of arguments of the opposers of devolution. This paper recommends the policy of considering local languages as source of strengthening the federation. It also suggest to make language related choices of minority languages a right that is protected through legal, material and institutional guarantees. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Environment is an exclusive subject of the Provinces to legislate on and the Federal Government is responsible to execute and ratify conventions under the Constitution of Pakistan, 1973. Climate Change is one of the items related to environment. This article gives description of the existing literature on environment which includes the Constitution of Islamic Republic of Pakistan, 1973, the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, 1992, and all the relevant laws of the Government of Pakistan on environment. The article has identified legal issues related to the implementation of international climate change law in Pakistan, particularly, after Eighteenth Amendment to the Constitution of Islamic Republic of Pakistan. It suggests certain recommendations for removal of legal issues in order to effectively implement international climate change law. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues that constitutions can play an important role in fostering a degree of political co-operation if they are useful to the political strategies of both rulers and ruled. Viewing Pakistan's constitutional documents as 'strategic constitutions' helps to explain the timing and content of constitutional reform, but also the seemingly contradictory provisions relating to the Constitutions' commitment to Islam. A strategic constitution functions to settle political exigencies rather than committing itself to the task of putting fundamental issues of state to rest. Often, the constitutional domain substitutes for other conventional channels of politics which may be inaccessible, or deliberately sidestepped, in order to achieve particular political goals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

History usually explains the tale of rulers and ruled ones. Writers and Historians have started focusing on developments of cities lately. Life on this globe has an evolutionary story of human and nature interaction and in the same manner cities appeared in connection to their interaction with human beings. The beginning, growth and future of cities are part of larger narrative of human development. Chishtian, a small city in Bahawalpur Princely State and now Bahawalpur Division, has also an evolving history of growth and development. This paper is an attempt to highlight various trajectories involved in making of Chsihtian a popular living place for the residents. Be it the influence of sufi saints, local and regional powers and elites or public services unfolding the shape of city down to the partition of India. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

General Zia-ul-Haq toppled the Bhutto's government by imposing Martial Law in Pakistan and legitimized the military coup d'état by introducing the local government system. He revoked the Local Government Acts initiated by Bhutto in different provinces and promulgated new local government system with the name of 'Local Bodies' in 1979. Each province ratified local government ordinance that formed district councils, municipal corporations/municipal committees, town councils and union councils. This system was almost similar to the Basic Democracies system (1959) propounded by Ayub Khan in terms of structure and functions. Zia remained unable to provide constitutional protection to local bodies like his predecessor. Zia's Local Bodies' as decentralized institution put into practice by initiating numerous plans and strategies. The research identifies the structure and functions of local bodies and the hidden objectives of Zia's government by propounding the local government system. It aims to diagnose the effects of the local government system by evaluating the role of local bodies regarding their powers that were vouchsafed to them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The objective of the study is to analyse different aspects of the first General Elections of Pakistan, held in 1970 that marked the beginning of a new political arena too. Moreover, this writing aims at understanding the impacts of the electoral manifestos, slogans and symbols of the major contesting parties like Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP), Awami League (AL), Jamaat-e-Islami (JI), PML (Qayyum), Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam, Jamiat Ulema-e-Pakistan, and National Awami Party (Wali). Besides, it aims to compare the concepts of Islamic Socialism vis a vis Bengali Nationalism in 1970. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 2013 election in Pakistan was a significant point in a presumed transition from autocracy towards democracy, since for the first time an elected government completed a full term and was replaced by another freely elected government. Pakistan’s hybrid regime, however, continues to be threatened by a significant ‘disloyal opposition’, in the form of secessionists in Balochistan andjihadiIslamists of the Tehrik-e-Taliban (the so-called Pakistan Taliban). Drawing on the literature on hybrid regimes, and using Juan Linz’s framework that focused on both ‘disloyal’ and ‘semi-loyal’ oppositions to democratic rule, this article examines the threat to a continuing movement towards democracy posed by secessionists, Islamists, and the military. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Public Private Partnerships (PPPs) is defined as "arrangements between government and private sector entities for the purpose of providing public infrastructure, community facilities and related services. The partnership must be based on a mutual agreement between the public and the private sectors, be in a form that the service provision purpose of the public sector and the profit goals of the private sector can agree, and be mutually liable for risks. The evaluation of the institution of the PPPs along with suggestions for future action aimed at profit maximization, better utilization of the projects and maximization of social benefits are made, taking under consideration the ever-increasing demands and special socio-economic circumstances of our contemporary society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Sindhi nationalism emerged with narrative of marginalization, exploitation and threat of domination. The continuous waves of migration since 1947 further sharpened this consciousness, created polarization in Sindh and curtailed the process of assimilation. The ethno-linguistic and cultural identity markers surfaced as an agent in shaping the political landscape. The political actors were forced to use nationalist symbols and idioms to lure masses. The Pakistan Peoples' Party, despite its predominantly centralist character, responded to popular aspirations of Sindhi nationalism and maintained its dual and sometimes conflicting or divergent image of centralist and regional political force to consolidate its popular support base and effectively applied its Sindh card for mass political mobilization. Despite their radical popular appeal and agenda and presence of prominent figures like G.M. Syed, Ayub Khuro and Rasool Bakhsh Palijo, The Sindhi nationalist political forces failed to translate their electoral support to defeat the MQM in urban Sindh, and its counterparts; the ANP in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and the nationalist parties of Balochistan. They did not succeed in evolving an umbrella organization and it remained personal network of loyalist without elaborate party structure. The parties were unable to perform in electoral sphere. They, however, sometimes opted to abstain from electoral process and at times joined electoral alliances with ideological rival centralist or Punjab dominated political forces to counter the PPP. They faced massive electoral defeats in constituency politics by powerful local and tribal influentials supported by the PPP. Their all endeavours discredited them and further restricted their popular appeal in electoral politics. Their failure also undermined their representative character and their claim to leadership and legitimacy of articulation of Sindhi nationalist interest. It also restricted them as an agitation force or a pressure group. Despite all their shortcomings, Sindhi nationalist political forces still remain a powerful political agent in shaping and determining the political discourse in Sindh and a potent threat for its rivals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Democracy, with modifications, was adopted in the Subcontinent as the system of government during the British rule. Although during the British era, universal franchise was not introduced still the baradari system grasped a major role in the politics of the Punjab. Politics in the area that constitutes the Punjab in Pakistan particularly revolved around the baradari system of the region. The present paper is focused on the politics of Sargodah; one of the prominent districts of the Punjab. In the politics of district Sargodha, about five or six families have been enjoying power. The families who played a vital role in local, provincial and national politics are Tiwana, Noon, Syed, Qureshi, Awan, Kalyar, Piracha, Mela, Lak, Ranjha, Nangyana and Baloch. They make the ruling elite of the Punjab since the prepartition era. This article aims at exploring different dimensions of politics centred to the Baradarism and its impact on the development of democracy in the province in general and on the district Sargodha in particular. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The abrogation of the constitution of 1956, the suspension of parliamentary politics, ban on politicians and promulgation of Martial Law in October 1958, although restored order of the day but in long run these measures generated dire repercussions for Pakistan. After the establishment of his absolute authority, Ayub Khan introduced a highly centralized system to govern politically divergent socially fragmented and economically fragile State. In this state of affairs the most crucial challenge had to be tackled bv Ayub Khan was nation building and national integration. But his exclusive, highhanded and highly centralized policies to tame the politically reactive Bengalis mostly proved counter-productive and greatly affected the unfolding politics in East Pakistan. Ayub's hand-picked top officials in East Pakistan failed to address the Bengali reservations in a meaningful way. Moreover, the response given to the politically alienated and socially aggrieved Bengalis, was often observed as discouraging. This imperiousness let loose the feeling of deprivations and exploitation, which rapidly started taking roots in the hearts of discontented Bengalis. The Political elite of East Pakistan time and again raised the issue of provincial autonomy and the exploitation of East Pakistan by West Pakistan. These issues and demands got favourable response from the intelligentsia and common masses. In this regard the radical agendas presented by the Awami League (AL) and National Awami Party (NAP) were endorsed by the people across East Pakistan. When their reservations and grievances could not be addressed and the feeling of being exploited by West Pakistan further expanded the gulf between the two wings of Pakistan. The leadership of AL and NAP severely criticised the autocratic policies of the Ayub regime by painting East Pakistan merely as a colony of West Pakistan. They accused the Ayub regime for the exclusion of popular Bengali political and bureaucratic elite from the mainstream policy and decision making. They occasionally termed the military regime as an extended form of British colonialism. The exploitation and domination of East Pakistan by West Pakistan had become the main subject of political discourse across East Pakistan. This rhetoric enormously generated hatred and suspicions among the Bengalis against West Pakistan. By 1965, the separatist forces in East Pakistan had prepared themselves to challenge the domination of West Pakistan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since its inception, Pakistan has never had a clear counterterrorism policy. Following the worst terrorist attack in Pakistan's recent history, the federal government introduced the 'National Action Plan'. The plan contained 20 points covering a range of areas. There has been no thorough critical analysis of the government's recent counterterrorism policy. This paper examines and evaluates the main drive of the plan under three main categories; capital punishment; military courts and operations; militancy and financing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper looks into the discursivity construction of national identity in English language Pakistani newspapers. It examines how Pakistani national identity has been portrayed in the print media and what kind of strategies, themes, and linguistic means have been employed by the newspapers on a national day being celebrated on 14' August, 1999. Using DHA (Discourse-Historical-Approach) given by Wodak, as a framework for the paper two newspaper reports/stories have been selected for the analysis of the discursivity. This investigation also includes the Corpus Linguistics software Wordsmith 6.0 in order to elicit the keywrods from the respective reports, which gives lexical difference of the text. It was revealed that various strategies used by the newspaper reports portrayed Pakistan as we-group and India as other group in the construction of sameness and difference. The national event of birthday of Pakistan was used as a political wagon to further the political and economic agenda of the government. The lexical difference between two newspaper reports projected three lexical items, Kashmir, nuclear, and peace as the same in both reports, whereas the rest of the keywords points to different sub-topics under the discursive consftvction of Pakistani national identity. The newspaper reports were observed quite instrumental in projecting discursivity in the form of headings, contents, themes discussed and lexical items included. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The rule of Ghulam Mohammad as the Governor General of Pakistan (1951- 55) is one of the controversial, authoritarian and undemocratic chapter of the Pakistan politics. He was a man behind the gun which laid rest to two important Ministries in East Pakistan and at center, and dissolved the Constituent Assembly which was to frame the future constitution of the country. It had already done the home work and was to present the final draft. He was a member of Constituent Assembly, Finance Minister whom Quaid-e-Azam called "My Financial Wizard". He was a successful Finance Minister, Master-planner and politically a man with undemocratic and unconstitutional mind. During his rule the seeds of military praetorian and bureaucratic rule were sown. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the views of Pakistan's founder, Mohammad Ali Jinnah, on a range of issues including sovereignty, civil-military relations, the civil service, industrialization, religion and the state, and national integration. Relying on Jinnah's own views, it reveals that selective engagement with what Jinnah thought has done no favours to Pakistan. Indeed, Pakistan has for all practical purposes, rejected nearly every policy prescription that its founder believed in and effectively repudiated what Jinnah stood for. While much attention has been paid to Jinnah's role in the partition of India or in the politics of the Indian Freedom Movement and the Pakistan Movement, comparatively little has been written about Jinnah's views on governance. This paper tries to initiate the process of filling this gap in the hope of generating a more holistic debate about what Pakistan's founder stood for as a statesman and state builder. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]