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This article introduces the concept of penal extractivism in the punishment and society literature. We define penal extractivism as the punitive strategies that a state implements to safeguard extractive industries from citizens' contention. This concept addresses the limitations of categories like criminalization, protest policing, social control, and labour discipline while bridging the gap between punishment studies and research on extractive industries. Additionally, we draw upon evidence of the Espinar mining conflict in Peru to explain five punitive strategies the state uses to handle protests: (1) off-duty policing and critical assets legislation, (2) state of emergency declarations, (3) police or prosecutorial notes against environmental defenders, (4) criminal indictments, and (5) the transferring of criminal cases to distant jurisdictions. Based on our findings, we argue that penal extractivism is a dynamic and ambivalent project that targets marginalized rural populations. The state partially deters mobilizations but fails to address the underlying social unrest, reinforcing the conditions that perpetuate mining conflicts. This in-depth within-case analysis examines the relationship between punishment and extractivism in the global context of contemporary social mobilizations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the consolidation of industrial mining in Latin America, documenting the strategies that mining companies have used to deepen and widen extractive frontiers in Ecuador and Peru. Based on original fieldwork in the Andean highlands, we find that companies deployed payments, land purchases, and small gifts – or regalitos– to destabilize important norms governing reciprocity, community, and the commons, leading to significant conflict among community members. Our analysis contributes to a contemporary political economy that examines the ways in which mining companies use land purchases and gift giving to manipulate processes of community conflict, decision making and social consent. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Mining and other economic activities are carried out on a particular territory and, thus, affect the natural and human environment in which they operate. As a consequence and in order to avoid future and eventual socioenvironmental conflicts, it is essential to guarantee that these human activities are conducted in a manner that respects both environment and society. One of the most powerful tools to achieve this balance between human activities and sustainable development is Land-Use Planning (LUP), understood as the institution charged with organizing human activities to achieve that balance. Bearing this in mind, the present article has three objectives: a) complement the literature on LUP by explaining the interconnection between LUP and the mining concessions regime, b) identify and analyze the main problems with the procedures for granting mining concessions in Peru, and c) propose the foundations for a future integrated system of mining concessions and LUP based on common principles and participatory mechanisms to reconcile tensions between the interests and values of all stakeholders, in addition to providing alternative solutions to the current problems with the mining concessions regime. To analyze the mining concessions regime and LUP a qualitative methodology is adopted, combining documentary analysis, review of official reports, and semi-structured interviews with key actors. Taking into consideration the stated objectives, this research concludes that: a) to achieve sustainable development and prevent the future emergence of conflicts, mining concessions must be granted based on territorial planning that the State (at the national, regional and local levels) should undertake prior to and in conjunction with civil society; b) the mining concession procedure lacks mechanisms of good governance, environmental sustainability and social justice; and c) as an alternative solution to these issues, this research suggests the creation of an integrated system of LUP and mining concessions, one that is binding, efficient, gradual, investor-friendly and intercultural. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explains how a comparatively weak Indigenous movement succeeded in establishing a precedent of Indigenous prior consultation reform in a national context adverse to Indigenous rights. The in-depth study of Peru shows that alliances between civil society actors and people inside certain state institutions who supported Indigenous claims can explain this outcome. The paper focuses on the collaboration of many human rights lawyers who became part of the Peruvian state. Still, the analysis also shows the limits and challenges of these alliances, particularly in the regulation phase. The paper shows that progressive state activists without strong ties to social movements, and the barriers they face inside institutional settings, can also contribute to the reproduction of weak institutions, particularly during the regulation phase of approved norms. The paper is based on long-term qualitative research in Peru. Data is culled from various source documents and semi-structured interviews with key actors, bureaucrats, Indigenous leaders and human rights professionals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Economic geographers have largely shown concern about the interaction between extractive industries and local economies by studying how lead firms create economic linkages with national firms. From a global production networks approach, this work looks to deepen the understanding of interfirm dynamics in extractive industries. This work has a critical position over previous research, however, because such contributions do not consider how resources are socioecologically produced. This article shows that the socioecological relations that make natural gas an exploitable resource are critical to study the articulation between global and local firms. The contingent interaction between states, firms, and the biophysical properties of nature set up the conditions for interfirm dynamics because it creates (or does not create) a steady and continuous demand of services to perform specialized activities. This was the case in Bolivia where the neoliberal reforms of the early 1990 s, the massive involvement of lead firms, and the characteristics of natural gas deposits created conditions to develop industry-specific suppliers. Conversely, Peru has not been able to appraise its natural gas reserves and did not set up conditions for such suppliers. Therefore, the resource-making process is crucial for studying how global production networks and extractive industries are shaping the geography of uneven development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: As foreign aid donors are increasingly open about seeking to obtain benefits from their development assistance, new forms of donor‐driven private‐sector partnerships have proliferated. This new trend is especially controversial in the mining sector, to which Canada has become the largest aid donor among OECD‐DAC countries. Purpose: In order to better understand this phenomenon and its implications, this article asks, first, how has aid to the mining sector evolved and what do the changes suggest about its underlying motives? Second, what are the implications regarding the "democratic ownership" of the recipients' development agenda? Approach and methods: The study analyses Canadian aid to the mining sector in Peru, its largest recipient of such aid, concentrating on the period since 2011, when Canadian aid took an "extractive turn." It draws on 20 semi‐structured interviews with key players and observers in Lima and Cusco in Peru, as well as an in‐depth review of mainly secondary sources and some statistical data. Its analytical framework is based on the motives that must underpin aid, as stipulated by Canadian legislation, and the concept of "ownership," the cornerstone of the international aid effectiveness agenda. Findings: The extractive turn in Canadian aid reflects an increase in commercial self‐interest, at the expense of altruistic poverty reduction and contradicting core elements of the legislated mandate of Canadian aid. Extractive‐related aid to Peru now almost exclusively supports: (a) strengthening the central government's role in promoting mining; (b) encouraging municipalities to negotiate mutually beneficial relations with Canadian mining companies; and (c) subsidizing Canadian companies' efforts to obtain a "social licence to operate" from local communities. Canada's assistance to the mining sector can be justified by a narrow interpretation of the concept of country "ownership." However, its justification rests on a limited vision of ownership, based on what governments, who claim to speak on behalf of citizens, prioritize, rather than a more democratic conception that takes into account what poor people want, which may include or preclude mining activities. Policy implications: Aid donors should focus on locally owned strategies that reflect poor people's priorities, independently of whether they include or exclude allowing mining companies to operate on their territories. Aid may thus contribute to a donor's commercial interests, but the latter should not be the underlying motive. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on primary sources, this article analyzes 150 participatory events related to planned hydrocarbon projects in Peru (2007–2012). Therein, it sheds light on state depoliticizing practices and local populations’ contestations thereof. We argue that participation in the extraction sector has not enabled effective participation and has instead been used to pave the way for expanding the extractive frontiers. We find that the state entity responsible for carrying out the events applied three main depoliticizing practices: (a) the organization of exclusionary participatory processes, (b) the provision of pro-extraction information, and (c) the identification of critical actors and discourses in order to formulate recommendations on how to weaken resistance against the planned activities. This study also reveals that local populations often contested the participatory events and identifies subnational patterns of local contestation. We find that higher degrees of contestation were fueled by previous negative experiences with extraction activities and the existence of local economic alternatives. To assess the histories and results of contestation over specific extractive activities over time, the study draws on monthly conflict reports produced by the Peruvian ombudsperson (2007–2016). We find that local contestation was quite influential, leading to increased social investment programs in the affected areas, the withdrawal of several extraction corporations, and Peru’s adoption of the Law on Prior Consultation (2011). However, the long-term prospects of the transformations provoked by repoliticizing processes need to be evaluated in the years to come. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: The purpose of this paper is to understand how the context in mining projects influences the corporate social responsibility (CSR) strategy to earn a social licence to operate (SLO). This paper also presents a comparative case study analysis of four mining operations in Peru. This analysis was qualitative in nature and is complemented with insights from supplementary key informant interviews and the emerging literature on SLO and CSR. The findings show that mining projects with a complex‐unstable context take considerable effort and a longer process to earn an SLO. In this situation, it is not recommended that companies use either a defensive strategy or compliance. Instead, the company must use strategic and managerial strategies to reduce social conflicts. Also, when the context is low or of moderate uncertainty, it is preferable to use strategic and managerial strategies in order to gain an SLO. Copyright © 2018 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd and ERP Environment [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We assess whether carbon pricing in combination with targeted use of the associated revenues could jointly advance Peru's long-term climate change mitigation targets and short-term socio-economic development goals. Based on expert interviews and detailed document analysis, we draw parallels to extractive industries, where revenues that are earmarked for public investment have often been found to be used ineffectively. Based on these experiences, we identify five key areas that could help to establish carbon pricing as a cross-cutting issue in the context of sustainable development: First, emphasizing the co-benefits of carbon pricing. Second, reforming the power sector to increase the use of low-cost renewable sources. Third, assessing the equity aspects of such policies and designing appropriate compensation systems. Fourth, increasing the government's capacity to effectively carry out public investment. Fifth, using results-based payments to establish a shadow price on land-use emissions and build up institutions and trust. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, I explore the interconnections among severe oil contamination, a state-led consultation process, and compensation practices in Peru’s oldest oilfield. I discuss the way in which four indigenous organisations and their constituencies produced evidence of oil contamination, and forced the state to question Peru’s current oil extraction practices. I look at the compensation demands and corporate payments that followed, and examine how compensation became a dominant tool for both appeasing increasing uprisings, and for counteracting what local people perceive as state abandonment. Focusing on the effects that compensation measures have on daily life, I analyse how equivalences between affected water and lands, on one hand, and state investments and monetary payments on the other, are established. I discuss how these equivalences have led to making indigenous ways of life irrelevant, and how this has been reinforced by the emphasis on due process during state-led consultation. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

In the context of a growing number of socio-environmental conflicts, different actors emphasise that territorial planning promises to strengthen democratic participation, reduce conflicts, and enable the coexistence of mining with other economic activities. As there are few studies on these processes, this article contributes by asking: To what extent do ecological and economic zoning and related territorial planning (ZEE-OT) open up a decentralised political space for influencing territorial development? Based on interviews and written documents, the article shows that without a basic agreement regarding the purpose and decision-making structures of ZEE-OT, these processes are unlikely to reinforce more democratic forms of territorial governance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper develops the fields of social market economy regarding the constitutional protection of the healthy and balanced environment. It also raises the challenges of public and private investment in relation to extractive industries located in Peru. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Natural resource extraction has been the base of Peruvian economic growth, notably since the neoliberalization of the economy in recent decades. Academic and media accounts portray Peru as an absent state – one of weak institutions to exert environmental control and guarantee citizens' rights – particularly in remote resource extraction areas. This article scrutinizes this idea of absence in the context of neoliberal extractivist governance, via the case of a mining conflict surrounding the creation of the Ichigkat Muja National Park (PNIM) in the Cordillera del Cóndor, in the northwest Peruvian Amazon. We argue that the state is not absent: it is the outcome of contested and re-negotiated relations, institutions, and ideologies. We posit that the goal of guaranteeing private investment shapes state agents' attitudes and interventions to address conflicts. Based on key informant interviews and the review of official social conflict reports, we examine two roles of the state: as a protector of rights and a provider of basic services. We find that, in this case, the regional government's recognition of citizens' rights appears ambiguous, and in general, the state's role as a provider of basic services is deployed to mitigate conflicts that affect significant extractive projects or involve intense social protest. Thus, the neoliberal project of the Peruvian state is mediated in complex relations, constituting a particular and evolving form of neo-extractivism, where social investment is functional to guarantee mining. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses the background to and the content of the Peruvian prior consultation law – the only one enacted in Latin America to date – and its regulating decree. In contrast to the widespread conception that prior consultation is a means for preventing and resolving conflict, it argues that this new legislation will not help to transform conflicts as long as the normative framework itself is contested and the preconditions for participatory governance are not in place. Establishing these preconditions would result in state institutions capable of justly balancing the diverse interests at stake; measures that reduce power asymmetries within consultations; and joint decision-making processes with binding agreements. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Taking the cases of Perú and Ghana, this paper examines overlaps between the extraction of minerals, oil and gas on the one hand, and river basins, agricultural land use, and protected areas on the other hand. In particular the paper considers how far such overlaps can be revealed and analyzed on the basis of (relatively) accessible and affordable data, without having to use more expensive data generated by remote sensing or fieldwork. We use concessions as our indicator of the presence of extractive industry activity, focusing on both mineral and hydrocarbon concessions, and areas of exploration and of active resource exploitation. High portions of agricultural land use in both countries are located within areas that are subject to mineral or hydrocarbon concessions (38% in Perú, 39% in Ghana), predominantly within areas in which exploration activities are permitted or occurring (36% in Perú, 35% in Ghana). While overlaps between concessions and areas protected for conservation were much smaller (10% for Perú, 2% for Ghana), concessions overlapped with a larger portion of titled indigenous communities in Perú (35%). These findings help visualize the geographies of uncertainty and risk that the expansion of extractive industry creates for populations dependent on agriculture, land, water and other resources in areas affected by concessions. The visualizations – and the evidence of quite different degrees of overlap, depending on the type of resource in question – suggest the relative strength of different modes of land and resource governance in the face of extractive industry. Notwithstanding their well-documented fragilities, institutions for habitat conservation seem to have been better able to resist pressures on them from the extractive sector than do those for regulating water resources, agricultural land and indigenous communities which appear far less able to moderate the expansion of resource extraction. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article focuses on the debates over the Río Blanco mining project in Piura in northern Peru. Using Tsing's notion of 'friction', I explore the complexity and global connections in this case and show how the actors engaged universal categories to pursue their agendas. I argue that the campaign against Río Blanco is an example of indigenous mobilization in contemporary Peru because the local protestors invoked the global term 'indigenous', although they mobilized as peasants and as ronderos/as (civil defense patrollers). Their decision to campaign as peasants, however, illustrates the continued relevance of class in a contemporary global context. By using their peasant identity strategically in combination with their regional identity and their identity as marginalized peoples, the local population of Piura gained a more powerful voice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]