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The premise of this article is that unbalanced versions of inclusion politics are usually at work in European contexts. Some inclusion patterns may be more relevant for certain aspects or levels of the education system or various models may be applied to specific ethnic groups. A necessary balancing approach is discussed in this article, drawing on examples from Italy and Romania. In this article, I will engage with the profile of the inclusion politics of education in two European contexts, at different levels and regarding various arenas: nationally relevant policy documents issued by the Ministries of Education in both countries, consolidated configurations of school practices and specific provisions, the profile of the inclusion message as presented in some school textbooks and teachers' guides. I will argue that at national policy level, both countries are difference recognition oriented, although for different rationales and following different patterns. At a lower level, a plurality of unbalanced and differently focused versions of inclusion politics inside national contexts, frequently as one-dimensional provisions, may be noticed. Yet, a more "balanced" policy may still not be sufficient in itself. It may be, in fact, a matter of specific solutions as correcting the status quo in particular contexts and of multidimensional as substantial multicultural education to be taken on seriously in practice.

Educational study is always a matter of choice between different theoretical paradigms, however, it also runs the risk of taking a dichotomized and ideological stance. Comparative education is an emblematic case in point, especially the excessively ideologized versions of comparative thinking inspired by the cold war. The choice to interpret citizenship and education through the lens of such concepts as myth, rhetoric, and ideology is not to promote a particular worldview in a dichotomized and ideological sense, nor to reveal "negative" or dysfunctional issues. On the contrary, the concepts of myth, rhetoric, and ideology provide a more appropriate framework and theoretical approach to enable one to highlight important aspects of the realities under investigation. Such an "eschatological search," however, must not be viewed as an exclusive trait of these contexts, even though the intensity of social tensions and the dissolution of traditional identities make it more evident. The author first discusses a conceptual framework of myth, rhetoric, and ideology and then applies it to Eastern citizenship and education. These concepts are addressed in three sections dedicated to different historical phases: (1) presocialist; (2) socialist; and (3) postsocialist. (Contains 8 notes.)

This article engages with the influence of Soviet educational models and Western European contacts, mediated by historical institutional and cultural legacies in producing specifically Eastern educational variants. A first level of analysis will identify the reasons behind the emergence of these variations. A second and higher level of analysis will question the use of global models in the modernisation processes. The Soviet influence in education is conceptualised as initially both an imperialist force and a voluntary borrowing, followed by internationalisation with local adaptation. It cannot be conceived of as a coherent model. In fact, Soviet education was transformed over time and incorporated both Western and elitist elements. Nevertheless, a historical and comparative analysis indicates that, while not divergent on educational grounds, the Soviet and the Western European educational patterns at times intermingled. These countries looked increasingly to the West in search of models and to reposition themselves in the global arena. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The premise of this article is that unbalanced versions of inclusion politics are usually at work in European contexts. Some inclusion patterns may be more relevant for certain aspects or levels of the education system or various models may be applied to specific ethnic groups. A necessary balancing approach is discussed in this article, drawing on examples from Italy and Romania. In this article, I will engage with the profile of the inclusion politics of education in two European contexts, at different levels and regarding various arenas: nationally relevant policy documents issued by the Ministries of Education in both countries, consolidated configurations of school practices and specific provisions, the profile of the inclusion message as presented in some school textbooks and teachers’ guides. I will argue that at national policy level, both countries are difference recognition oriented, although for different rationales and following different patterns. At a lower level, a plurality of unbalanced and differently focused versions of inclusion politics inside national contexts, frequently as one-dimensional provisions, may be noticed. Yet, a more ‘balanced’ policy may still not be sufficient in itself. It may be, in fact, a matter of specific solutions as correcting the status quo in particular contexts and of multidimensional as substantial multicultural education to be taken on seriously in practice. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article provides information on the political socialization and incorporation occurring in three European nations, Hungary, Poland, and Romania. It analyzes the political education in these countries in which culture is distinct from myth and ideology. It presents a conceptual framework of myth, rhetoric and ideology which are applied to Eastern citizenship and education. Furthermore, these concepts are being addressed in three different historical phases, presocialist, socialist, and postsocialist.